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SAXON SCULPTURE AT ST. ANDREW'S, BYWELL (with Illustration). By the REV. 

J. W. DUNN ' . 36 


tion). By DR. CHAHLTON 65 

clyffe Collections ........... 69 


THE LAST DAYS ov HEXHAM PRIORY. From the State Papers ... 72 
STAINTON IN THE STREET (with Illustrations). By the EDITOR . . . 73 



Esq 105 



1652. From J. J. WILKINSON'S MSS 115 










By the EDITOR 189 

THE BATTLE OF FLODDEN (with Plans and Appendix of Illustrations). By 




From DR. CHARLTON 261 






Socfets of 



THE Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle-upon-Tyne has this day met 
to celebrate its forty-fifth anniversary ; and in presenting the Report of 
the past year, the Council feels that it is performing an easy and an 
agreeable task. The anticipations of success so liberally indulged in in the 
Reports of preceding years have not failed to be verified during the past 
twelve months. In spite of bad times and much local anxiety and dis- 
tress, the number of members has increased, while the admissions to 
view the Castle, and the collections therein, considerably exceed the 
average of former years. 

Another volume of the new series of the Archceologia ^Eliana, the 
second of the 8vo form, has been this day completed, and is now ready 
for distribution to the members. Throughout the year the several parts 
comprising this volume have been regularly delivered to the members 
on the appointed day, and your Council has every reason to believe, 
that under the able editorship of Mr. LougstafFe, the same course will be 
steadily persevered in, while the Papers inserted will continue to maintain 
the high standard they have hitherto held. Your Council has reason to 
know, that the regular publication of the Archceologia jEliana has 
caused many gentlemen to join the Society, while the able reports of 
the Proceedings given in the Gateshead Observer after every meeting, 
and placed at the end of every trimestial part, gives so complete a re- 
sume of the meetings, that an extended Report on this occasion is really 

Throughout the year the meetings of the Societj", excepting those in 
the autumn months, have been remarkably well attended, several in- 


teresting Papers have been read, and many subjects of great archaeolo- 
gical interest have been discussed. 

The Country Meeting for the year was held at Lindisfarne on Mon- 
day, 29th of June. Unfortunately the day proved to be almost the only 
one that was not fine during the months of June or July; nevertheless, 
a considerable party braved the weather, and, in spite of wind and rain, 
examined the ruins of Lindisfarne, and partook of refreshments most 
generously provided by Mr. Hodgson Hinde. 

In the Report of last year it was announced that the History of 
Northumberland, left unfinished by the late Rev. John Hodgson, would 
be continued by Mr. Hodgson Hinde, one of the Vice-Presidents, and by 
the Rev. Dr. Bruce, the Junior Secretary of the Society. These two 
gentlemen have amply redeemed their promise, and this day the First 
Part of the " General History of British and Saxon and Roman North- 
umberland " is laid upon the table, and copies will be distributed to the 
subscribers in a few days. This handsome volume, emanating from the 
pen of two of the most distinguished members of the Society, will, your 
Council feels assured, be received with great interest by the public, 
while the paper and printing is such as to do honour to Newcastle 
typographic art. 

The Survey of the Roman Wall from sea to sea executed at the cost 
of his Grace the Duke of Northumberland, the munificent patron of this 
Society, has now been terminated, and carefully engraved at his Grace's 
sole expense. The value of this survey will be duly appreciated by all 
those who are familiar with the great Northern Barrier, and with the 
many intet'esting works that have been already published on the subject. 
The Survey of the Roman Wall so accurately executed by Mr. Mac- 
lauchlan will complete the admirable works of Hodgson and of Dr. 
Bruce, while it will serve as a basis for all future researches. Had his 
Grace's liberality stopped here, there would have remained an imperish- 
able monument of the interest taken by a nobleman of such exalted rank 
in the cause of archasological science, and of his wish to promote in 
every way the interests of the Society. Since the Survey of the Roman 
Wall was concluded, his Grace has encouraged the Society to form a col- 
lection of drawings of all the inscribed stones relating to the Wall, so as 
obtain, eventually, a complete Lapidarium of this great barrier. Many 
of these inscriptions are now dispersed in various and some in far distant 
Localities, while not a few have been very incorrectly figured. All will 
now be drawn again by a competent artist, and will be engraved under 
the inspection of Dr. Bruce. Mr. Mossman, the artist employed for 


this purpose, has already completed many of the drawings, and such as 
he from time to time has exhibited at the meetings of the Society have 
been universally admired for their perfect fidelity and artistic merits. 

In the former Report the enlargement of the Society's Museum was 
dwelt upon at considerable length. It was at that time confidently ex- 
pected by your Council, that the ground in the neighbourhood of the 
Black Gate would long ere this have been disposed of, and that possibly 
sufficient space could then be obtained for the erection of a Lapidarian 
Gallery to contain the most valuable inscriptions now in the Society's 
possession, as well as those so munificently offered by his Grace the 
Duke of Northumberland. Unfortunately no progress has been made 
towards the arrangement of the buildings on the ground in question ; 
and though his Grace most kindly prolonged the period within which 
his offer would take effect, the chances of a suitable building being pre- 
pared by the time specified are, your Council regret to say, now past. 
Still, even if the "Society cannot avail itself of the offer of its noble 
Patron, it is absolutely necessary that accommodation in the Museum 
should be increased, and an apartment provided in which sufficient light 
and space could be obtained for the smaller and more valuable specimens. 
It will be a matter of earnest consideration with the Society in what 
manner this shall be accomplished whether it shall be by obtaining 
additional ground in the neighbourhood of the Castle, or by restoring the 
ancient rooms over the Great Hall, a project which meets with the full 
concurrence of the most distinguished architects. 

Another subject which has engaged the attention of the Society dur- 
ing the past year, is the collecting together the Ancient Border Music 
of Northumberland. An able report on what had already been accom- 
plished in this regard was read by Mr. Kell at Alnwick Castle, in the 
presence of the Duke and Duchess of Northumberland, in November 
last. On that occasion his Grace offered prizes of ten pounds for the 
best, and five pounds for the second-best, collection of ancient Border 
tunes, to be delivered for competition on or before the 1st of May next. 

The continued accession of new members gives promise of greater 
activity in the Society, and your Council would earnestly repeat to ail 
the great importance of a constant supply of fresh papers, documents, 
and objects of antiquity, so that the new life and vigour which has 
manifested itself in the Society during the last ten years may not fail to 
shew itself in. the times to come. 


The following are the members elected during the past year : 

February 2nd, Anniversary. Mr. W. B. Scott, Newcastle ; Mr. Robert 
Fisher, Newcastle. 

March 4^. Rer. Ja. Blackett Ord, Whitfield Hall; Mr. David Moss- 
man, Newcastle ; Mr. Thomas Leslie Gregson, Newcastle ; Mr. 
Thomas Oliver, Newcastle ; Mr. C. D. Barker, Newcastle. 

April 1st. Mr. "W. Trueman, Durham. 

May 6th. Mr. Matthew Thompson, Gateshead. 

June 3rd. Mr. R. "W. Hodgson, North Dene, Gateshead ; Mr. Joseph 
Shephard, Newcastle ; Rev. "W. Farmery, Newcastle. 

August 5th. Rev. Richard Croft, Hillingdon, Essex. 

September 2nd. Honorary Member : Abbe Cochet, Dieppe. 


The Papers and Documents read to the Society during the past year 
are as follows : 

February 2, 1857. Anniversary Meeting. 

Rev. Dr. RAINE. Document respecting Ancient Ordinations An Ac- 
count of an Ordination held in the church of St. Nicholas, Newcas- 
tle, in the first week of Lent, 1348. 1 From Bishop Hatfield's 

Rev. Dr. BBTTCE. The First Part of Remarks on the Pamphlet of " A 
Cumbrian," entitled " Mural Controversy The Question ' Who 
built the Wall?' illustrated." 

1 The Bishops of Durham had much secular business to transact, and the duties of 
ordination were generally, as on this occasion, performed by a suffragan bishop. No 
fewer than 245 individuals were now ordained, comprising 134 acolytes, 65 sub-dea- 
cons, 24 deacons, and 23 priests. The candidates took name from almost every place 
of any consequence in Durham and Northumberland Titles on which they were 
ordained, and the sums they were to receive for their services, are specified. Most 
of tbe nobility and gentry had clergy of the minor orders retained. Among the per- 
sons ordained were regular clergy and monks of Tynemouth, Newminster, Brinkburn, 
Durham, Hartlepool, Blanchland, Hexham, Eggleston, Alnwick, and Sopwell in 
Lincolnshire ; Augustines, Carmelites, Friars Preachers, and Friars Minors. Candi- 
dates came with letters dimissory from the Archbishop of York, and the Bishops of 
Carlisle, Lincoln, and Ely. 


March 4. 

Mr. FEN WICK. Letter of Gilpin Gorst of Staindrop, to Robinson Stoney 
Bowes, Esq., of Grosvenor Square, London, dated 18 Aug., 1777.* 
Eev. Dr. BETTCE. The Second Part of Remarks on "Mural Controversy." 
Mr. LONGSTAFFE. On the Banner of St. Cuthbert. 3 

April 1. 

Mr. LONGSTAFFE. On the Cross of St. Cuthbert.* 

May 6. 
Rev. J. MAUGHAN, Bewcastle, per J. H. Hinde, Esq. On the Roman 

Inscription at Caeme Crag. 5 
Dr. CHAEIXON. On a Roll of Prayers formerly belonging to Henry 

VIII. 6 

Dr. CHAELTON. On a Leaden Box and Crosses from Richmond. 7 
Mr. R. R. DEES. Charter of Bishop Bek, 1308, relative to lands at 

Nettles worth. 8 
Rev. Dr. BETJCE. On Excavations at Cilurnum and Borcovicus.' 

June 3. 
Mr. LONGSTAFFE. Letter relating to the family of General "Washington. 10 

2 " The purchase of the Beirwell estate does not strike me as the undertaking of a 
madman. On the contrary, I look upon it as a judicious, well-concerted scheme, and 
highly conducive to your interest at Newcastle. The purchase of it, and your ap- 
pearance at Gibside, will effectually silence a prevailing rumour that you are so im- 
mersed in debt as not to be able to show your face. Harry Mills was with me yes- 
terday, and says it now begins to be suspected by Sir John Trevylian's friends that 
he does not mean to offer himself again for Newcastle. It is affirmed that he is going 
to dispark Roadley, and lay it out in farms. You may depend upon it, as a fact not 
to be controverted, that Sir John does not at present receive sixty pounds a year from 
Sir "Walter Blackett's fortune. I saw Mr. Colpitts (steward) on Thursday last, and 
desired he would send you a buck to town as soon as he possibly could, agreeable to 
your instructions in a former letter to me. All your Newcastle friends have been 
served with venison : at least none that were mentioned in your letters, either to 

Oolpitts or me, have been neglected. And, indeed, I do not think there can be a 
more successful battery played off against a corporation than one plentifully supplied 
with venison and claret. I saw Clark, your gamekeeper, the other day, who told me 
he believed Mr. Lyon did not mean to accept the buck you had ordered him some 
time ago. But such is the meanness of that fellow, that I will lay 5 pounds to 5 
shillings he does accept it." 

3 Printed, Vol. ii., page 51. 4 Printed, Vol. ii., 51. 

5 "With the letter were presented rubbings of the inscription, in reference to the 
rival readings of Dr. Bruce and Mr. Maughan. 

Printed, Vol. ii-, 41. 7 Printed, Vol. ii., 46. 

8 Printed, Vol. ii., 107. 

9 The substance of this and other papers "by Dr. Bruce will, of course, fall into its 
proper place in our valued member's third edition of his History of the Roman Wall. 

10 Printed, Vol. ii., 125. 


Kev. Dr. BRTJCE. Letter from Mr. R. Robson of Sunderland, relative to 
the district of the Roman "Wall, 11 and to Horsley's Burial Place. 12 

Rey. Dr. RAINE. Extracts from the Accounts of John Barley, cellarer 
of the Convent of Durham in 1424. 13 

Yery Rev. Monsignor C. EYRE. Letter from Mr. J. D. Evans, of Ber- 
wick, relative to recent discoveries at Coldingham Priory. 14 

11 Mr. Eobson is of opinion that the Roman milestone near Chesterholme, remains 
in situ, and has never been thrown down. 

12 Mr. Robson shows from Hodgson's own pages, that he was probably in error in 
using the word "linger" in reference to Horsley's death, and quotes a letter from 
Dr. John Ward, Professor of Gresham College, to Dr. Gary, Bishop of Clonfert, 
dated 24 April, 1732, and published in Notes and Queries, 14 Jan., 1854, in which it 
was stated that Horsley died soon after he had finished his Britannia Romano,, and 
before its publication. " "When it was hoped that the credit of this book might have 
been of some service to him and his large family, he was suddenly and unexpectedly 
taken off by an apoplexy." The Rev. W. Turner made his family to consist of an 
only daughter, Mrs. Holliday. In Nichols's Lit. Anec. allusion is made to another 
daughter, Mrs. Randall. Hodgson, from Horsley's own papers, speaks of a son 
(Mem., 37, 38.) 

An entry in the Barber- Chirurgeons' Books of Newcastle-upon-Tyne may be 
added : " George, son of John Horsley, late of Morpeth, Northumberland, clerk, 
apprenticed to Samuel Halliwell, 23 Dec., 1732, for 7 years." 

The Rev. E. H. Adamson calls attention to the fact, that Cave's Map of Northum- 
berland was published for the benefit of the " numerous family" of the great deceased. 

13 He disbursed weekly 6*. 6d. for 660 red herrings, that is 6^ long hundreds, of 
120 to the hundred. He also bought white herrings. " Dogdraves" occurred 
among his purchases, an item unknown to the accounts of other monasteries. (Qu. 
dried codfish from the Doggerbank.) " Fishes of Iceland" also occurred, Iceland 
being the great emporium of stock-Jish. Salmon the monks had all the year round. 
There was no " close time." Bywell was the chief source of supply ; and there was 
a case on record of four salmon slipping from the hands of the bearer in crossing the 
Derwent, and being no more seen. For a pound of rice John Barley paid a penny ; 
and for 3 Ibs. of almonds, 1\d. The total disbursements of a month were 23^. 3s. 5d. 

In reply to inquiries, Dr. R. said, the number of monks would be about 70 ; with 
also a few novices. Visitors and officers, not a few, must be added, Such of the 
novices as distinguished themselves were sent to the universities. Where the novices 
and their master sat there was a device by which the lads could be overlooked without 
their knowledge. Then, as now, boys were not always minding their lessons when 
they ought to be ; and the eyehole remains to this day, through which the master, 
unobserved, could overlook his pupils, and see if they were intent on their duties. 

14 " They have been making alterations in what remains of the priory, and which 
has been used as the parish church for two or three hundred years. I think they 
have done the work tolerably well except that, in rebuilding the west end, they 
have merely repeated the east end. They are both now similar. I think it is to be 
deplored that they did not make some variation. But the inside, now, is remarkably 
fine. The north side and east end (which are original) can hardly be surpassed. 
They have stripped all the old galleries away, and there is little to obstruct the view. 
The restorations which have been made are very carefully done ; and I think that if you 
could see it, you would be much pleased with it. They have laid bare, on the out- 
side, the foundations of the south transept. There is, in some parts, four or five feet 
of the wall and pillars standing. There are also the bases of the pillars of the centre 
tower. They have levelled the ground in the churchyard. Indeed, that is not 
finished yet. In doing all this, they have found some curious cut stones, &c. ; but 
the most remarkable discovery was made last week. In clearing away some of the 


Eev. Dr. BRUCE. On ancient Tobacco Pipes. 15 

August 5. 

Sir W. C. TREVELYAN, Bart. Will of Lady Julia Blackett. 16 
Mr. J. T. HOTLK. Letter of Mr. A. B. Seton on the Bewcastle Runes." 

September 2. 
Mr. War. TfiiTEiiAtf. Local Papers relating to the Families of Lumley, 

Washington, and Nesham. 18 
Mr. JOHN VENTRESS. Draft of an Act for making the River Wear 

navigable to Durham. 19 
Rev. Dr. HAIGH. On the coming of the Teutonic Tribes into Britain. 20 

rubbish and debris where the great tower had been, they came on the tombs of two 
of the priors. They lie nearly side by side. The one wanted the top cover to the 
grave, but the other is most perfect, and the inscription on it runs down the centre 

44 The graves are built with thin stones set on edge ; the stones perhaps 6 or 8 inches 
thick ; with one large stone for the head, cut out as they usually are in stone coffins 
for the head and shoulders. The body seemed to have been enwrapped in something 
that had the appearance of leather ; but perhaps it is some sort of woollen, steeped in 
pitch or wax. The bones were not disturbed. They closed them again very care- 

The letters are incised. Prior Ernald died before 1 212. See next page. 

15 This paper was in reference to a passage in the learned Doctor's work on the 
Roman Wall, asking if smoking pipes were to be numbered among Roman remains, 
found, as they were, in close association with remains of undoubted Roman origin. 
His present conclusions were adverse to the affirmative, and were drawn from these 
grounds : " 1 . The pipes were only met with here and there in connection with Roman 
remains ; while, in every Roman station, all the kinds of pottery used by the Romans 
were invariably found. 2. No traces of the practice of smoking presented themselves 
in classic authors. 3. Ancient herbals contained no notice of any vegetable used for 
smoking with pipes. 4. These old pipes, laid together, exhibited a regular gradation 
in size, from the fairy bowl to the pipe of the present day. 5. Elfin pipes were 
found, some few years ago, at Hoylake, in Cheshire, on the site where the troops of 
William III. were encamped previous to their embarkation for Ireland ; on the 
battle-field of Boyne at Dundalk ; and in other parts of Ireland where William's 
troops were quartered." 

Several specimens of pipes were exhibited ; one tiny bowl was dug from a depth 
of 10 feet, in 1854, at the back of the Assembly Rooms of Newcastle. Mr. Spoor 
stated that he had seen turned up, in building operations, hundreds of pipes together, 
smaller than any of those on the table, near the town wall of Newcastle. 

16 To be printed, Vol. iii. 

17 Mr. Seton, by descent a Scot and birth a Swede, was present in 1 792 at the ball 
where Gustavus was assassinated by Ankerstrom. His letter was learned and 
ingenious, but is superseded by modern research. 

18 Printed, Vol. ii., 109, 111, 120. 

19 Printed, Vol. ii., 118. 

20 An endeavour to attach weight to Geoffrey of Monmouth and Boece, by exhibit- 
ing their agreement with more orthodox authorities. 


Very Rev. Monsignor C. EYEE. Second Letter from Mr. J. D. Evans 
relative to Discoveries at Coldingham Priory. 21 

November 4. 

Rev. "W. DuNif, Warkworth. On a Sepulchral Cist and Urn recently 
found at Amble. 22 

January 6, 1858. 
Rt. Honble. LORD RAVENSWOETH. On Two Latin Inscriptions at 

Chillingham Castle. 23 

Mr. LONGSTAFFE. Documents relative to the attempts of Newcastle to 
annex Gatesh'ead. 21 

21 See p. vi. The writer adds the following details : " There was found in the coffin of 
Prior Ernald a rod, or stick, about 2ft. 4in. long. It was lying above the covering. It 
was a piece of coarse (I think) hazel stick, about the thickness of a man's finger. It 
broke into fragments with the least handling. There had also been shoes or sandals on 
the feet ; and a sole of one was taken out and examined. It was the half-sole, or front 
part; and there was with it a strengthening piece along the edge, just what shoe- 
makers of the present day use, and call the welt ; and the stitching along both 
was very regular, and would have done no discredit to a cordwainer of the present 
day. It was put back into the coffin before closing it. 

" Amongst the rubbish which the men had thrown aside, some bits of stone were 
found, with letters on them ; and a strict search being made, as much of the top 
covering slab of the other coffin was discovered as, when put together, makes it, as 
was conjectured, the coffin of another Prior viz., Radulf." 

Prior Radulf is stated to have preceded Ernald, and to have flourished circa 1198. 

" These coffins of Ernald and Radulf are without doubt genuine stone coffins ; but 
we must take into consideration that stone for such a purpose is not to be had near 
Coldingham. I am not sure there is any freestone or sandstone in the whole parish. 
Therefore, the masons being in this strait, would have to do the next thing possible, 
and build a stone coffin with such means as they had at hand. There has even been 
some fragments of carving used in the two coffins mentioned above, which shows that 
they used what they could lay hold of. The masons at Coldingham say that all the 
stone for the church has been brought from a place called St. Helen's ; and that must 
be many miles from Coldingham. I believe it will be in Cockburnspath parish. It 
would be all to bring over Coldingham Moor a very rough road even at this day. 
There has one stone coffin, made of an entire stone, been found. It is, however, very 
much broken. 

" There is part of some walls laid bare, which, from time immemorial, have gone by 
the name of Eggar's "Wa's (Edgar's "Walls). It is about 30 or 40 yards to the south 
of the present kirk. It is built of whinstone, about 3 feet thick ; and there have 
been three entrances or doorways down into it, as it is on a lower plane than the kirk. 
The doorways have freestone facings, and the steps are freestone. There are also 
half columns along the wall of freestone, and on the angle that remains are remnants 
of the corbel and groining rib (freestone). From these half columns the groining of 
the roof has sprung." 

22 To be printed in Vol. iii. *> To be printed in Vol. iii. 
24 Printed, Vol. ii., 219. 


April 1. 
Dr. CHAKLTON. Illuminated Bede Roll of the time of Henry VII., 

from the Library at TJshaw College. 25 
Mr. LONGSTAFFE. Original MS. of Hegge's legend of St. Cuthbert. 2 * 

May 6. ' 
Sir WM. LAWSON, Bart., Brough Hall. Leaden Casket containing 

Leaden Crosses, &c., from Richmond. 
Mr. R. R. DEES. Charter of Anthony Bek, Bishop of Durham, 1308, 

relating to lands at Nettlesworth, 

September 2. 

Mr. FENWICK. Porcelain Cup of the time of Queen Elizabeth. 21 
Mr. ROBERT WHITE. Rubbing of an Inscription on Shakspere's Tomb 
at Stratford-upon-Avon. 

October 8. 

Mr. LONGSTAFFE. Impression of Signets of Warwick the King Maker, 28 
Thomas Percy Earl of Egremont, 29 in 1454; also the Signet of 
Henry "Wentworth the elder, 30 8 Edw. IV. From deeds in the pos- 
session of J. J. Howard, Esq., Blackheath. 

25 See a memoir on the subject in Vol. ii., 41. 

26 This is the MS. from which, after collation with Allan's edition, Mr. J. Brough 
Taylor's print of the legend was derived. It was formerly in the library of Mias 
Lambton, at Biddick. Besides the text, it comprises two drawings of Durham city 
and Cathedral, much resembling Speed's map. 

27 The cup is traced to the Kingsland family, and it is said to have been given to 
their ancestress, the Countess of Tyrconnel, by Queen Elizabeth. The tradition goes 
on to report that the Queen had previously sent it to the Earl of Essex in the Tower, 
and that he received from it the sacrament of the Lord's Supper on the morning of 
his execution. The cup is of the period, white, with raised flowers. 

28 " The rampant bear chained to the ragged staff." 

29 A sitting lion with the family crescent round its neck, torque-wise ; the motto, 
apparently a translation of the famous " Esperance" " lett hope," or " lell hope." 

30 "20 Nov., 8 Edw. IV. Indenture between Henry "Went worth the elder esquyre 
and Edward Wodehouse esquyre. A marriage to be had between Thomas Wode- 
house s. and h. of Edward, and Margerie d. of the said Henry Wentworth. Thomas 
excedith not the age of x yeres and Margerie excedith not the age of vi yeres. 
Edward will provide estates of 201. per ann. in Suffolk, as were John Wodehous 
fadyr of the said Edward whose sone and heir he is." 

The signet bears the device of a single lion's head with foliage. 

At the same meeting Mr. Longstaffe stated that he had lately inspected the inquest 
after the death of Ealph Neville, the great Earl of "Westmoreland, dated 4 Hen. IV., 
and found that his house in Westgate, Newcastle, now occupied by the buildings of 
the Literary and Philosophical Society, was termed Neville's Inn. 


Mr. YENTKESS. Kubbings of two Merchants' Marks in Newcastle. 81 

November 4. 

Mr. WM. KELL. Ancient Betrothal King.* 2 

Mr. ANTHONY SALVIN. Plans and Sections of the Church of Kirk Newton. 
Rev. W. FEATHEESTONHATJGH. Sketch of an ancient Carved Stone in 
the Church of By well St. Andrew's. 

January 6, 1858. 

Mr. FENWICK. Pair of Gauntlet Gloves belonging to the last Lord 
Derwent water, who was executed in 1716. Rosary of early date, 
composed of beads said to be made of the bones of a RadclyfFe 
who died in the odour of sanctity, with a Silver Crucifix (possibly 
of earlier date) appended. Drinking Glass, with Inscription and the 
initials F. R., and attributed to Francis, first Earl of Derwentwater. 


March 4, 1857. 
Sir. W. C. TEEVELYAN, Bart., Wallington. " The Present State of 

Europe," 9 vols., 4to. 

Lt. Colonel TUCKER. Pair of Mexican (?) Spurs. 

Mr. PEEL, per Mr. Yentress. Old Spinning Wheel, with Knack Wheel. 
Mr. GEO. RIPPON, Waterville. Bronze Figure of Roman Soldier, and 

Bronze Spoon, both from Blake Chesters. 

April 1. 

Mr. GEO. RIPPON, Waterville. Coins, and Fragments of Mosaic Pave- 
ment, from Acropolis of Athens. 

Sir W. C. TEEVELYAN, Bart., Wallington. Registrum Nigrum de Aber- 
brothoc, 1 vol., 4to. Registrum Episcopatus Brechinensis, 2 vols., 

. 4to. 

81 One from a gravestone in the north transept of St. Andrew's Church, R. C. and 
E. C. with the figure of a barrel and a circle. 

The other from a stone built into the cooperage of "Walker, Parker, & Co., over a 
doorway fronting the Tyne at Els-wick, T. R. in monogram above M. On the right 
of them a large "W. Above the shield containing these is the date "xv 1388 
Mar." which is out of the question as it stands. The characters might suit 1538, 
which was probably the true reading. The old 5 is easily converted into a 3 by the 
addition of a top stroke. There is a curious instance of such a dealing with it on a 
chest in the Old Hall of Darlington. 

32 Of rude execution, in some metal less valuable than silver. The design presents 
two hands, one male, the other female, and the legend IESVS. 


THE SOCIETY. Proceedings of Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, Yol. 

II., Part I. 
THE ATJTHOE. Lectures on South Shields; its History, Past and 

Present; by Thos. Salmon. 

Plate from Lindisfarne, commemorating the removal of the bodies of 

the monks Sylvester, Robert, and Helias, from the garden to the 

church, in 1215. 

May 6. 

Rt. Honble. LOED LONDESBOEOUGH. Miscellanea Graphica, Parts XI. 

and XII., completing the Work. 
Rev. J. M. TEEHEBNE. Engraving of Monument to Sir Edward Carne, 

of Llandough Castle, in the Church of St. Gregorie at Rome. 
THE SOCIETY. Surrey Archaeological Society Transactions, Vol. I., Pt. I. 

June 3. 

THE ATJTHOE. The Battle of Otterburne, by Mr. Robert White ; large 
paper copy. 

THE SOCIETY. Proceedings of Liverpool Architectural Society, Yol. II., 
Part II. 

ME. ROBSON. Two Engravings. Newcastle from the S.E., and Dur- 
ham from the S.W., both by N. Buck. 

Sir W. C. TBEVELYAN, Bart. The Trevelyan Papers. 

THE AECH.EOLOGICAL INSTITUTE. The Archaeological Journal. 

August 5. 

THE SOCIETY. Report of Cambridge Antiquarian Society, No. VII. 

THE CLUB. Proceedings of Berwickshire Naturalists' Club. 

THE SOCIETY. Archffiologia, Vol. XXXVI., Part II. ; XXXVII., Part 

I. Proceedings of Society of Antiquaries of London, XLIII. to 

XLVI. List of the Fellows, 1856 to 1857. 

THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE. Canadian Journal of Industry and Science. 
THE SOCIETY. Proceedings of Kilkenny Archaeological Society. 

September 2. 

THE AUTHOE. Local Records, 1 Vol., by Mr. J. Latimer. 
Mr. J. THOS. BOLD. Coin of the Emperor Nerva, found near Bankhead, 
in Cumberland. 


Mrs. BBUMELL, Newcastle, formerly of the Chapel Farm, Rosehill. 
Inscribed Stone from Eoman Wall. 33 

November 4. 
THE SOCIETY. Transactions of Historic Society of Lancashire and 


THE SOCIETY. Transactions of the Kilkenny Archaeological Society. 
J. H. HINDE, Esq. Coal Factor's Weekly List of Prices, 1760' to 1764. 
Mr. THOS. CRASTER. Ancient Chafing Dish of Iron, found in an old 

house in Newcastle. 
ROBT. INGHAH, Esq., M.P. Painting of the Sandhill in the middle of 

the last century, by Waters. 34 

December 2nd. 

Her Grace the DUCHESS OF NORTHUMBERLAND. A Yolume of Border 
Tunes collected by Mr. Oliver of Langraw, and Mr. James Telfer of 
Saughtree, Liddesdale. 

33 The stone is thus inscribed 


.... ANO . HADRIA .... 

LEO . XX . V . V 

" Nervae Nepoti Trajano Hadriano Augusto, Legio Vicesima, Valens, Victrix." 

34 " It was painted," says Mr. Ingham, " by Mr. Waters, one of whose sons I re- 
member, at the beginning of the century, as a stationer in the Bigg-market. He 
was unmarried, but he had an elder brother, whose widow, according to my recollec- 
tion, gave the painting to my father. 

" I believe all the principal figures are portraits. I heard several of them named, 
but there are only a few that I remember. The very tall person to the left was a Mr. 
Peacock or Pedcock. The old gentlemen in the centre, whom the porter is addressing, 
cap-in-hand, was the father of Mr. Ralph Atkinson, Lord Eldon's cousin. The 
gentleman in red slippers, at the entrance of his hoxise, was Mr. Wallace, the partner 
of Mr. Surtees, Lady Eldon's father ; and these two portraits seem to fix the date as 
about the middle of last century. The man withya cloak under his arm, approaching 
Mr. Wallace, was Grieve the watchmaker; and I was told that the gentleman in drab, 
interposing between the squabbling fish woman, was Mr. Snow Clayton ; though the 
figure is so distant, that it was rather from some tradition of his kindly peacemaking 
qualities, than from any bodily resemblance, that the name is appropriated. 

" I rather think that Waters the son, whose widow had the painting, was a house- 
painter ; but the father was only an amateur. Nevertheless, the eflect of the morn- 
ing light is well given ; and the Guildhall clock shows the early habits of the time." 

Mr. Fenwick states that John Wesley, when he visited Newcastle, sometimes 
preached from the stairs in front of the Exchange, painted by Mr. Waters ; and on 
one occasion, when he was mobbed by the fishwomen and others, Mrs. Bailes, a fish- 
wife, caught him up in her arms (for the founder of the Wesleyan Society was not 
physically a giant) and bore him safely away, crying to his persecutors, " Come 
and touch the little man, if you dare !" 

Waters is remembered as a most prolific draughtsman of the notabilia of his 
district. His style partakes of the inaccuracies in detail common to the period in 
which he lived, but his drawings are valuable as portraying buildings of which not a 


Mr. BROCKETT. Memorial of the Holders of 21 Years' Leases in New- 

THE AUTHOR. An Essay on the Four Eoman "Ways, by Edwin Guest, 

Dr. CHARLTON. Ancient Tinder-box in form of a Gun Lock. 

Mr. EDWARD MILBURN. Roman Remains discovered at High Rochester. 

Mr. KELL. ToplifFs Melodies of Durham and Northumberland. 3 * 

January 6th, 1858. 

THE AUTHOR. On Surnames, by B. Homer Dixon, of Boston, U.S. 
THE SOCIETY. Memoires de la Societe des Antiquaires de Picardie, 

II me Serie, Tome IV. 
THE SOCIETY. Bulletins de la Societe des Antiquaires de Picardie, 

1854 a 1857. 
THE SOCIETY. Documens inedits concernant la Province de Picardie, 


trace remains. His son Henry who presented the painting to Mr. Ingham, imagined 
himself to be a poet, and wrote a monody on the occasion of Heaton Colliery 
inundation, containing the lints 

" Thus the waters they did come, 

Thus the pitmen they did run ; 

Thus the waters came so fast, 

Thus the pitmen they o'erpast ; 

They went in on the 3rd of May, 

And they never came out till Christmas day." 

The following extraordinary couplet is also laid to his charge : 
"When May'ses breezes fan the treeses 
The cows' es foots go on the Leases." 

35 The earliest printed music of the melodies of Northumberland was the joint 
production of Peacock (the prince of pipers in his day) and "W. "Wright, and was 
published at Newcastle by the latter about half a century ago. It comprises many 
tunes not Northumbrian, though suited for the pipes, and does not profess to be of a 
local character. It bears the title^bf " A Favourite Collection of Tunes, with Varia- 
tions, and adapted for the Northumberland Small Pipes, Violin, or Flute." 




1857. s. d. 
Feb. 12. To Cash of Dr. Charlton, on Account of receipts at the Castle, 

during the year ending February, 1857. 18 

Jaa. 26. To Subscriptions received to this date. .. .. . . .. 165 17 

To Balance due to me. . . 33 6 10 

217 3 10 





1857. . s. d. 

Feb. 2. By Balance due to me from last account 29 5 9 

7. By paid "Warder's Salary 2 10 

7. T. & J. Pigg, on Account 20 

14. , Northern Daily Express, for Advertising . . . . 033 

24. ,, , Gateshead Observer, ,, ,, . . . . ..040 

27. ,, , Gas Rent 11 3 

27. , Harrison, for Matting .. .. .. .. ..090 

April 4. , Mr. Ventress, his Bill 0189 

7. ,, Mr. Spoors, . . . . . . . . ..540 

8. ,, Insurance .. .. .. .. .. .. 126 

21. John Storey's Bill 2100 

24. Rogerson for Coals 2160 

May 2. Warder's Salary 2100 

6. W. H. D. Longstaffe, his Bill 5120 

15. , Gas Rent 12 

June 12. , Castle Rent 026 

Aug. 1. , "Warder's Salary 2100 

1. , Gas Rent 14 2 

29. , Mr. Dunglinson for Printing . . . . . . . . 7 15 

Sep. 5. , Andrew Reid for Lithographing .. .. .. 3 17 

5. R. Robinson for a representation of St. Nicholas' Church 0140 

12. T. & J. Pigg, the Balance of their Account. . .. 97 12 8 

12. ,, ,, For Food, Service, and Attendance at the Anniversary 

Dinner 18 9 

Oct. 12. Commission for Collecting 59 2 19 

Nov. 11. "Warder's Salary .. . . 2 10 

Dec. 1. ,, Commission for Collecting 28. . . . . . . 180 


Jan. 9. D. Dunglinson's Bill for Printing 2 12 

11. ,, H. Rogerson for Coals .. .. .. .. 140 

26. j, Commission for^Collecting 8. 8s 080 

217 3 10 

Thit Account examined and found correct, 

ROBERT WHITB, ] Audltors - 























THE two curious Inscriptions which I bring before the notice of this 
Society are to be seen in Chillingham Castle, engraved on tablets on 
either side of an old-fashioned and lofty chimney-breast which formerly 
stood in the spacious entrance-hall. This hall is now used as the dining- 
room, and the old chimneypiece has been replaced by two handsome 
marble chimneypieces, which once adorned the mansion of Wanstead 

The date of the Inscriptions is not accurately known; and certain 
conjectures which I had formed of the author have been proved so 
improbable by the researches of the Rev. Dr. Raine, in a Paper read to 
the Antiquarian Society at its anniversary meeting on the 1st of Febru- 
ary, 1858, that I dismiss them altogether from the present treatise. 

This subject may perhaps not be strictly antiquarian in its nature. 
But at least the matter belongs to the history of the county of North- 
umberland; and an attempt to explain the meaning of a tablet so 
enigmatical that the sense of it has been altogether lost, can hardly fail 
to possess some degree of interest to this Society. 

In the following pages will be found 

First, the Inscriptions. 

Secondly, the literal Translations. 

Lastly, the Comments by which I endeavour to explain the difficulties 
and obscurities of the text. 

It is to be borne in mind, that in cutting ihe stone which forms one 
of the corner-stones or spandrils to the arch of the chimney, a live toad 
is reported to have been found in a small cavity still to be seen in the 
solid rock, and this remarkable circumstance forms the thesis of Inscrip- 
tion No. 1. 



It must be observed, that I take the Inscriptions as I find them, net 
venturing to make the smallest emendation, though amendments may be 
suggested in more than one passage. These, however, would make no 
difference ia the general interpretation of the tablets. 


Heus, Stagyrita ! 
Tuo si velis quid mirabilius Euripo, 

Hue venito ! 

Fluant refluantque maria, et sit lunaticus, 
Qui suo Triviam spoliat honore. 

En, tibi novi quid, quod non portat Africa, 
Nee sabulosis 1 Nilus arenis, 
Ignem flammamque puram, 
Aurii tamen vitali cassam. 
Cseco e recessu scissi quot 2 vides saxi, 
Obstetricis lucem lithotomi dedere manus 
Vivo bufoni. 


Ho, Stagyrite! 
If you wish something more wonderful than your own Euripus, 

Come hither ! 

Let the tides flow and ebb, and be he lunatic 
Who robs Trivia of her (due) honour. 

Lo, for you something novel, which Africa bears not, 
Nor Nfle on his sandy shores. 
(To wit), fire and pure flame, 
Yet without vital air. 
Out of the dark recess of the split rock, 
As much as you see, the hands 
Of the midwife stonecutter gave light 
To a living toad. 


Stagyrite, Aristotle, the famous philosopher and naturalist so called 
from his birthplace S..tagyra, more properly Stagira, a city of Macedonia. 

Euripus, a narrow strait dividing Euboea from the mainland of Greece, 
now called the Strait of Egripo or Negropont, whose currents are so 
strong, that the tides were said to ebb and flow seven times a day. 

Some ancient writers assert that Aristotle drowned himself from 

1 Qu. fabulosis ? 

2 Quod vf ere better Latin. I am not aware that quot is ever used in relation to the 
singular number. 


chagrin at not being able to discover the cause of so unusual a motion, 
but the story seems to want confirmation. 

Trivia, a name for Diana, or " The Moon," whose statue used to be 
set up in " Triviis," or the highways where three roads met. 

Thus Lucretius, Lib. 1, line 85. 

Aulide quo pacto Trivial Virginia aram 
Iphianassai turparunt sanguine fcede 
Ductores Danaum, delecti, prima virorum. 

It is scarcely necessary to enquire further into the origin of this word 
Trivia. It may be because the moon was supposed to hold three courses 
in heaven, lengthways, breadthways, and upwards, or because this " Diva 
Triformis" was Worshipped under three separate attributes, as shewn in 
the following couplet. 

Terret, lustrat, agit, Proserpina, Luna, Diana, 
Ima, superna, feras, sceptro, fulgore, sagitta". 

The phrase of robbing Trivia of her honour alludes to the theory of 
the moon's influence upon the tides, and the writer seems to insinuate, 
that the philosopher, in his ignorance of this principle, went mad, 
and thus committed the rash act of suicide. 

Africa and the Nile are here alluded to because the former was be- 
lieved by the ancients to abound in all sorts of marvellous productions. 

'Ae't il Kaivov 0/)t rj A.i(3vrj. 
Semper aliquid novi affert Africa 

and the Nile is said by Herodotus and Pliny to produce frogs and toads 
from the slime or sand deposited by its inundations. 

The " fire and pure flame" mean here the caloric of vitality. Those who 
wish to make a further study of the connection which exists between 
the elements of fire and air may consult the ingenious speculations of 
*Aristotle in divers sections of his Second Book, * De Generatione et 
Corruptione, wherein he treats of the four elements, and subsequently, 
in the First Book, * Meteor ologicorum, with which- -writings the author 
of the Inscription was doubtless familiar. 

The meaning of the remainder is plain enough, and the cavity is still 
to be seen in that portion of the hewn stone which formerly formed part 
of the fireplace in the present dining-room of the Castle, then a spacious 
entrance-hall. This is quite within the recollection of the writer. 

* Note, that these references are made in Latin, and not in Greek, to avoid a confu- 
sion of learned languages in a treatise of this nature. 



Herois nobili nascitur in aula 

Plebeiae dedecus philosophise. 
Suos hie non ridens atornos Democritus ; 
Hicque secunda jactet pro primis 

Triceps Agyrta. 

Centies oportet naviges Anticyram, 
Somnia si velis trutinare sanum 

Quotquot occummt. 
Citius occisos Themison aegrotos, 
Citius enumerSl Hippia mceclioa. 
(Edipum tibi prsestare possum. 
Albse nempe filiutn gallinae, 
Testam hie videas, pullus unde siet, 

Dicet Harreius. 


In the noble hall of a hero is born 
(That which is) a disgrace to plebeian philosophy. 
Here let Democritus not laughing boast his atoms, 
And here let the " triceps agyrta " 
Boast his secondary deductions for first causes. 
A hundred times it behoves you to sail to Anticyra, 
If you"wish in your sound mind to -weigh 
Such dreams as many as occur. 
Sooner may Themison enumerate his slain patients, 
Sooner may Hippia count her unchaste lovers. 
I am able to supply to you an (Edipus. 
Here, forsooth, you may see a shell, 
The produce of a white hen 
How a chicken shall be formed from it, 
Harvey will tell you. 


The solution of this Inscription is far more difficult and perplexing 
than the former. It is to be read in a double sense, literal and meta- 
phorical. I propose to consider each in its turn. 

In the first, or literal sense, we may infer one of two probabilities : 
Either that a white hen had laid an egg in the entrance-hall, which ac- 
cident gave birth to the train of thought expressed herein ; or that the 


learned author had been engaged in discourse with his noble host 
" Herois nobili in aula" upon the wonderful discoveries of the cele- 
brated Dr. Harvey, which satisfactorily accounted for the phenomena of 
generation from the egg phenomena which had been left totally unex- 
plained by the atoms of Democritus or the logic of Aristotle. 

After this exordium, I proceed to the further examination of this 
classical enigma. 

"Plebeian philosophy" may be understood in the sense of mere vul- 
gar philosophy, or as antithetical to the patrician hall of the hero. 

" Plebeii sunt omnes philosophi" is, I believe, a phrase of Cicero's, 
though I am unable to refer to it. 

" Democritus" taught the atomic theory that all things were created 
from atoms, which Lucretius calls "primordia rerum." He was called 
the Laughing Philosopher, from laughing at the follies of mankind. 

" Jactet" I have translated "boast," but the meanings of the word 
are various. In this sense Horace uses it 

Quamvis Pontica pinna 

Sylvae filia nobilis 
Jactes et genus et nomen inutile. 

Here it may also be used in the sense of promulgate, as "jactare 
semina," to sow. 

" Triceps Agyrta." This most puzzling expression alludes to Aristo- 
tle, who was the inventor of that form of reasoning, 11 so much practised 
in the schools, called the syllogism, which consists of three heads, and 
may be defined as a formal conclusion from two premises. " Agyrta" 
is a noun of recent coinage, there being no such word in classical Latinity. 
It is derived from the Greek 'A^vp^i, from the verb 'Ayeipw, to gather 
or collect. But Agyrta has a secondary meaning, to wit, a conjuror or 
juggler, from the crowds which such exhibitors collect about them. 
The form of a syllogism being thus comprised under three heads, the in- 
ventor of it is named " Triceps Agyrta," this three-headed conjurer or 
juggler. And the syllogistic form is indicated in the text by the words 
" Secunda pro primis." Whoever will take the trouble to refer to the 
pages of Aristotle's Analytica, Liber 1, " De Ratione Conficiendorum 
Syllogismorum," will see how much learned labour has been expended 
by the philosopher in framing all the various forms of logical demon- 
stration, according to his favourite mode of argument. It is therefore 
scarcely possible to doubt that the phrase, "Triceps Agyrta" refers to 


" Agyrta" may be found in an Addition to AinswortKs Latin Die* 
tionary (4to Ed.) among words which are thus described in the proce- 
mium : " Index vocum ab iis qui Latine scribere velint vitandarum 
utpote quse obsoletae, vel dubiae, vel corruptae sunt, et prolapsse 

" Anticyra" is the name of two towns and an island in the Grecian 
archipelago, famous for the growth of hellebore, which was supposed to 
be i; cure for insanity. Anticyra is constantly alluded to by classical 
authors, three times by Horace in his Satires and his poem " De Arts 
Poeticd, and once by Juvenal in Sat. XIII. 

The phrase, " Naviget Anticyram" became a proverb, like our " Send 
him to Bedlam." 

The meaning of the whole passage seems to be, that it is enough to 
drive a man mad if he set about studying all the dreams of false philo- 
sophy. " Sorania" is used in this sense by Lucretius (Book 1) in the 
following lines : 

" Quippe etenim quam multa tibi jam fingere possum 
Somnia, quse vitae rationes vertere possunt 
Fortunasque tuas onmes turbare timore." 

The author may probably have had these three lines in his mind. 

The two lines about "Themison" and "Hippia" refer to a passage in 
the Tenth Satire of Juvenal. The poet is speaking of the various dis- 
orders which afflict old age 

" Quorum si nomina quaeras, 
Promtius expediam, quot amaverit Hippia moechoa, 
Quot Themison segros autumno Occident uno, 
Quot Basilus socios, quot circumscripserit Hirrus 
Pupillos," &c., &c. 

Themison was a famous physician, who is thus sarcastically treated. 
What Hippia was may be inferred from the text. 

After all this galimatias, he now comes to his point. Having brought 
to scorn the atoms of Democritus, and the logic of Aristotle, behold, he 
says, an egg ! Can you account for the mystery of the generation of a 
chicken by any such process of reasoning ? No I but I can shew you 
the OEdipus who has solved the problem. Harvey shall tell you how 
the chicken will be formed and produced. 

Harvey was the eminent philosopher and physiologist who first dis- 
covered the motion of the hearfc-and the circulation of the blood. The 


following extract from his Life, as given in the National Cyclopedia, 
more distinctly connects him with this Inscription. 

" WILLIAM HAETEY. " He subsequently published a volume 

called Exercitationes de Generatione" which contains a description of 
the organization of the common fowl, of the formation of the egg and 
its extrusion from the body, and the use and nature of its component 
parts, as well as the changes which it undergoes during the process of 

To this solution, given under a literal interpretation of the words, it 
may be objected, that it is hardly probable, that the two Inscriptions on 
the same tablet should be disconnected. They must rather be supposed 
to have referrence to the same " Thesis," to wit, the discovery of a live 
toad in a solid mass of rock. 

Now the expression, " AlbaB filium gallinae," which I have before in- 
terpreted literally, has likewise a metaphorical meaning applicable by a 
forced construction to the receptacle in the stone where the reptile was 

" Testa" is a word of very various meanings a pot of earthenware, 
a cask, and thence a casket or receptacle, and following out this meaning, 
a shell of an egg or a shell-fish. 

The phrase " Alba? films gallinas," means metaphorically " a lucky 
fellow," a man born, as we say, " with a silver spoon in his mouth." 
In this sense it is used by Juvenal, Sat. XIII., 1. 141. 

" Tu gallinae films albae, 
Nos viles pulli nati infelicibus ovis ?" 

What was the origin of the metaphor I am unable to discover. 

This " testa," of stone, being hewn out of the quarry, and then dressed 
and set up as the corner-stone of a chimneypiece in a noble hall, may, 
by a forced construction, be termed a " lucky stone," a " gallina? filius 
albse," and thus a double meaning may be intended to run through the 
whole Inscription, by giving to the text either a litem! or a metaphori- 
cal meaning. 

It is even possible that a pun may have been intended upon the word 
" pullus," which used substantively means a chicken or a young thing, 
used adjectively means "black" "as black as a toad." But this co- 
incidence is probably accidental, the sense of the passage under either 
interpretation, literal or metaphorical, being quite perfect with the sub- 
stantive meaning. 

I conceive that I have thus succeeded, not only in interpreting the 


true meaning of this curious Inscription, but have also given precise and 
accurate references to those passages in the works of the classical authors 
which were clearly familiar with the writer, whoever he may have been. 
And it has been a very interesting task to trace the somewhat intricate 
current through which his thoughts must have meandered while he waa 
composing so enigmatical a tablet. 

It is indeed wonderful to observe how great a range of thought and 
learning is brought within the compass of so short a composition. This 
fact can only be appreciated by those who have given themselves tho 
trouble of pursuing the clue (when they have once found it) which is 
to guide them to the end of the labyrinth. The Latin may be faulty in 
some respects, partaking more of the phrases used in scholastic disputa- 
tions than in pure classical Latinity ; but we cannot deny to the author 
the possession of great ingenuity and no slight acquaintance with the 
works of many of the best classical writers. 



HARMONY was defined by the ancients as " The succession of simple 
sounds according to their scale with respect to acuteness or gravity." 
This definition, however, answers better to our idea of what melody is. 
We should rather define harmony as " The result of the simultaneous 
production of two or more sounds according to certain rules, the adop- 
tion of which ensures a pleasing effect upon the ear." The combinations 
of sounds so made are called chords ; they are either complete or incom- 
plete, perfect or imperfect. In the common scale of an octave we find 
eight several and distinct notes, irrespective of sharps and flats. Seven 
of these eight notes have respectively belonging to them what are called 
common chords. A common chord is composed of the sounds produced 
by a certain note called the root of the chord and two other notes which 
are respectively a third and fifth above the root. Each of these common 
chords being made up of three individual members, is susceptible of 
being played or placed in three positions. The octave, or eighth note of 
the scale, cannot be said to have a chord of its own : it is only the first 
note of the scale repeated somewhat higher in tone, by way of complet- 
ing a musical phrase. The seventh note, which is called the leading 
note, requires that the octave should immediately succeed it. 

A melody is a succession of single notes so arranged as to produce a 
pleasing effect upon the ear. 

Now supposing that we wish to add to a given melody its appropriate 
harmony, we must not accompany each note of the melody with the 
chord which bears its name, as we should produce a succession of sounds 
the effect of which would be most unpleasant and harsh. We shall find, 
however, that, in order to give free effect to the melody, we have fre- 
quently to vary the accompanying harmony, sometimes using that of 
the tonic or key note, sometimes that of the dominant or fifth note of 
the scale, and sometimes also the harmonies of the subdominant or 
fourth note of the scale and other notes. 


Every note in a given melody is common to, or forms a member of, 
three several and distinct chords. By way of illustration, the note C 
may belong to the chord of F, in which chord it is the fifth or twelfth 
above, it may also belong to the chord of A, in which it is the third 
or tenth above, and it also may belong to the chord of C, in which 
it is the unison or octave. In the same way D, and every other note in 
the scale, belongs and is common to three several chords. Now the 
science of harmony teaches us, amongst other things, by which chord 
the notes of a melody are most appropriately accompanied and the posi- 
tion in which they should be used. 

In treating as a melody the ordinary scale of an octave in the key of 
C, and endeavouring to accompany each note in that octave with that 
harmony which best suits it, we find that we do not require to use all 
of the seven distinct chords which we find in the compass of an octave, 
but that three will answer our purpose. These three chords are those be- 
longing to the tonic or key note, the dominant or fifth of the key, and 
the subdominant or fourth. The remaining four chords are not in 
the instance of the melody before us required at all. We shall find 
on further examination of the harmony required by the melody before 
us, that two of these three chords are not used or required so frequently 
as the remaining one is. Indeed, we find that no less than four of the 
eight notes of the scale require the tonic harmony, two require that 
of the dominant, and the remaining two that of the subdominant. 

The melody of our national air, " God save the Queen," is in its sim- 
ple form composed of thirty-five notes, not reckoning merely passing 
notes or appogiaturas. Now, of these notes no less than twenty-one, or 
nearly two-thirds of the entire number, are susceptible of bearing the 
tonic harmony, or the chord of the key note. Of the remaining four- 
teen, ten require the dominant harmony, leaving only four notes which 
must be accompanied by other harmonies. There is a tune, known no 
doubt to us all, called "Drops of Brandy;" in this tune we have a 
melody which only requires two harmonies, viz., the tonic and the 

Were we in the same way to analyze other harmonized music, we 
should find it an almost invariable rule, that the tonic harmony is more 
used than any other, that next in importance stands the dominant har- 
mony ; whilst the remaining harmonies are comparatively but seldom 
called for. 

Some instruments are capable of producing always the requisite harmo- 
nies to a given melody ; others are capable of producing only the tonic and 
dominant harmonies ; others, again, can only give the tonic harmony ; 


and some being only capable of producing one note at a time, are 
obliged to content themselves with, the humble privilege of but produc- 
ing a melody, without any harmony at all. The organ, the harmonium, 
the pianoforte, the harp, and the guitar, are all instruments upon which 
full harmonies may be produced. The accordion can only accompany a 
given melody with the tonic and dominant harmonies. The French fiddle, 
the Highland pipes, the Union pipes, and the Northumbrian large and 
small pipes, can only give the tonic harmony. 1 The flute, trumpet, cla- 
rionet, and the majority of instruments used in a full band, can only 
sound one note at a time ; and therefore, if employed in performing the 
melody, cannot accompany that melody with any harmony at all. "We 
shall confine our attention, however, to the Highland and Northumbrian 
small pipes ; and, in order that we may thoroughly understand the pe- 
culiarities of pipe musio., let us first examine into the prominent fea- 
tures which the construction of the bagpipes presents. 

Both the Highland and Northumbrian pipes are wind instruments. 
In all instruments of these kinds the receptacle for the wind is a bag. 
They all possess drones and a chanter. Every drone and chanter is fur- 
nished with a reed ; and the wind, in passing through these drones and 
chanter, produces the music which these instruments afford. The 
chanter gives us the melody of the tune performed : the drones supply 
us with the accompanying harmony. In all bagpipes this harmony is 
unvarying, and is that of the key note, or tonic harmony. 

Having noticed those points in the construction of bagpipes which 
are common to both Highland and Northumbrian pipes, let us now look 
at those in which the two classes of instruments differ from each other. 

And first, with respect to the Highland pipes. In these instruments 
the wind is supplied by the breath of the performer, who blows through 
a mouthpiece or tube, which feeds the bag or wind chest. 

Just in passing, let us observe that the Highland pipe is essentially a 
military instrument, and that the reason why the wind is left to be sup- 
plied by the breath of the piper, instead of by the bellows, which are 
common to other bagpipes, is in order that the piper may in battle the 
more readily use the short dagger, or dirk, with which he is commonly 

The Highland pipe is furnished with three drones. The first, and 
lowest in tone, of these drones produces the note A above gamut G. 

1 The ancient kingdom of Northumtria extended from the banks of the Humber on 
the south to the Solway Frith on the north, and it is quite possible that the North- 
umbrian large pipes are identical with the Lowland pipes. The use of the small 
pipes is, so far as I can learn, confined within the limits of the county of Northum- 
berland ; if this really be so, it may fairly be presumed that the use of the large pipes 
is of more ancient origin than that of the small. 


The second and third produce the note A, which is the octave above. 
Logan, in his work called The Scottish Gael, says, " The drones are 
tuned to the E of the chanter, the two small ones being a fifth below, 
and the larger an eighth." If this were the case, we should have the 
tonic harmony upon the fifth note of the key or the dominant, or, in 
other words, the chord of the sixth and fourth, a chord which is only 
used as a suspension of the ordinary common chord, or the chord of the 
fifth and third. Logan must have intended to state, that the larger 
drone was an eighth below |j^e other two. 

All the chanters of the Scotch regulation pipes are what are called 
" plain chanters." Their compass is nine notes, which range from the 
G upon the second line of the treble clef to the A, which is the ninth 
above. The chanter is open at the end, and produces, when the per- 
former's fingers cover all the keys, the lowest note, or G. 

The scale of the chanter thus comprises an octave of notes in the key 
of A, with the addition of a ninth note that note being the leading 
note to the lower key note. The drones can only play the key note, one 
in the unison, and two in the octave tonic harmony, but, as musicians 
would style it, very thin harmony. 

Turning now to the Northumbrian pipe, we observe that its construc- 
tion differs from that of the Scotch in the supply of wind being pro- 
vided by means of bellows, instead of by the breath of the piper. This 
very much lessens the amount of physical exertion requisite to play the 
pipes. Highland pipers, we fancy, must often wish that they could 
give some rest to their lungs at the cost of a little labour to the arm. 

Another point of difference is found in the drones of the Northum- 
brian pipes. They formerly used to be only three in number ; and where 
we fall in with plain chanters, they still are only three in number. The 
smallest of them produces the note G, which is the note upon the second 
line in the treble clef. The largest drone sounds the octave below j and 
the third gives the note D, which is placed between the two G's. It 
will be seen, therefore, that the drones of the Northumbrian pipes pro- 
duce a more complete chord than do the Scotch. A fourth drone is now 
commonly met with, which sounds the D, or octave below the D of 
the third drone. When this fourth drone is used the lowest G 
drone is altered in its pitch a tone higher, so as to sound the fifth 
above, or A instead of G. That drone which sounds the D between 
the notes of the two G drones supplies the octave above the note of the 
fourth drone, and the smallest drone may either be stopped altogether or 
made to produce another A. The Northumbrian piper is thus enabled 
to play upon more keys than the Highland piper. 


Another point in which the construction of the Northumbrian pipes 
differs from that of the Highland arises from our chanters being closed 
at the end, instead of open ; and when all the eight notes with which 
this chanter is provided are covered by the fingers of the performer, 
no sound is produced by the chanter. The eight notes which the plain 
chanter of these pipes are capable of sounding are those which compose 
the treble octave in the key of G. Several additional notes have been 
given to Northumbrian pipes, and some possess a complete chromatic 
scale, ranging from the A below middle C to B in alto, comprising 
twenty-six notes. 

Logan, in his Scottish Gael, notices two additional points of difference 
in our pipes, when contrasted with the Highland. They are, he says, 
more conveniently portable, and much less noisy. He also observes that 
they " are often wholly formed of ivory, and richly ornamented with 
silver. This adds much to their beauty and value." 

Having glanced at the construction of bagpipes, let us now turn our 
attention to the music produced by these instruments, to those points 
in which bagpipe music differs from other music, and to those in 
which Highland bagpipe music differs from Northumbrian. 

Now, whatever may be the notes of the melody produced upon the 
chanter of either the Highland or Northumbrian pipes, we have always 
accompanying the melody one constant and invariable chord an incom- 
plete common chord in all pipes, but more incomplete in the Scotch than 
in the Northumbrian pipes. 

If we take a melody not composed especially for this species of instru- 
ment, say, for instance, " God save the Queen," we shall discover, that 
although the chord which the drones supply is more often appropriate 
to the notes of the melody than otherwise, yet that the general effect of 
the tune when played on pipes is extremely harsh and unpleasing. This 
arises in a great measure, if not entirely, from the circumstance, that 
although nearly two-thirds of the notes of the melody require the tonic 
harmony, yet those passages which require other harmonies are not ar- 
ranged so as to disguise the requirement, and the phrases which require 
the dominant harmony are longer in duration than they would have 
been had the tune been written for the bagpipes. A melody may be 
constructed so as very seldom, and for a very short period at one time, 
to require any other harmony than the tonic ; and the less such other 
harmony is required, the more pleasing will be the effect of the melody 
on the bagpipes. 

If in the tune to which we have already referred, called " Drops of 
"Brandy," we should dispense entirely with the dominant harmony, 


and only accompany the melody with the tonic harmony, we should 
interfere perhaps less apparently with the pleasing effect of the 
tune than would be the case were we to adopt a similar course with 
most other tunes. Tn this instance we do in effect treat those notes of 
the melody that strictly require the dominant harmony as passing 
discords, and are guilty of using a musical license which only the 
imperfection of the instrument played upon can ever warrant or make 

As we have said before, the Northumbrian pipes possess four drones, 
three of which, however, are only used at one time ; and the three 
sounds produced simultaneously are the key note, the fifth above or 
dominant, and the octave above. Now in the event of part of a given 
melody, written in the key of G, requiring the dominant harmony, we 
have two of the four drones which are capable of producing notes 
belonging to the dominant harmony ; these two drones are the D drones, 
the other two would act as discords. It strikes us as being very strange 
that no manufacturer of bagpipes, knowing this fact, has not by some 
mechanical contrivance put the means within reach of a piper by which 
he may silence the two discordant drones, and at the same time allow 
the D drones to speak, and thus enable the performer at will to intro- 
duce the dominant harmony. Indeed, a fifth drone could easily, one 
would think, be made, which would not speak except when some key 
was touched; and the note of, that drone being made to produce the 
sound of the fifth above the dominant, the performer might at the same 
moment stop two discordant drones and open two additional drones, and 
so enable us to have the dominant harmony as perfectly as we already 
have the tonic. The bagpipes would thus have a decided advantage 
over the accordion, an instrument which, possessing, as it does, the 
power of producing both the tonic and the dominant harmonies, never- 
theless obliges the performer upon it to accompany some notes of a 
melody which require the tonic harmony with that of the dominant, 
and other notes which require the dominant harmony with that of the 
tonic. 2 

2 Since reading this paper at the Castle, Mr. Kell, of Gateshead, has had the 
kindness to show me a very fine set of Irish bagpipes, which, upon examination, I found 
to have two sets of drones. One drone in each set is provided with brass keys, 
evidently intended to be played, not by the fingers, which, of course, would be required 
for the chanter, but by the wrist of the performer. As the instrument, when I saw it, 
had not affixed to it its pair of bellows, I was unable to determine the pitch of the 
notes of the drones, and more especially the effect which would be produced by 
moving a small knob of brass which I saw close to the bottom of the drones. This 
small knob may very possibly be connected with a valve which is intended to shut 
off, at the will of the performer, the wind from one set of drones and allow it to pass 
through the second set. Some Irish pipes may therefore be constructed so as to give,' 
not only the tonic harmony, but the dominant. 


"We may state that one, and the most important, peculiarity in all pipe 
music arises from the fact, that the melody composed for the pipes must 
be such as to require as little as possible any other harmony than that 
of the tonic ; the less it requires, the more pleasing, other things being 
equal, -will be the effect produced. 

Having now noticed the leading characteristic of pipe music generally, 
as distinguished from ordinary music, let us now turn our attention to 
those particulars in which our Northumbrian pipe music differs from 
that of the Highland. 

We have observed previously that the Scotch bagpipes are essentially 
instruments for military music. Now this fact at once discloses an 
important element of difference ; for, as military music must necessarily 
be composed so as to suit the regular and measured tread of soldiers, we 
shall find that the bulk of Scotch pipe music is written in common time, 
or compound common time ; our Northumbrian pipe music, on the other 
hand, being generally composed for social amusement, not for marching 
bodies, we find it written, perhaps more frequently, in triple and 
compound triple time than in any other. Our pipe music, therefore, 
has a more graceful and flowing character than Highland pipe 
music, although the latter is more dignified and more calculated to 
awaken strong emotions in the human breast. The peculiarity in 
Northumbrian pipe music which we have above pointed out would 
perhaps be more apparent than it is, were our pipers to refrain somewhat 
more than they usually do from disguising the written melody with ad 
libitum flourishes and grace notes. 

The adaptability of the Highland pipe music to military purposes is 
noticed by Pennant in his voyage to the Hebrides in the following 
terms : 

" The bagpipe has been a favourite instrument with the Scots, and 
has two varieties : and suited well the warlike genius of the people, 
roused their courage to battle, alarmed them when secure, and collected 
them when scattered ; solaced them in their long and painful marches, 
and in times of peace kept up the memory of the gallantry of their an- 
cestors by tunes composed after signal victories ; and too often kept up 
the spirit of revenge by airs expressive of defeats or massacres from 
rival clans." 

Another peculiarity in the music of the Northumberland pipes arises 
from the fact, previously noticed, of the chanter being closed at the end, 
which enables the performer to play in the way designated by musicians 
as staccato, and prevents the otherwise inevitable slurring of the notes. 
This view is supported by the writer of the article in the Encyclopedia 


Brittanica under the word bagpipe, who states that the effect of this 
slurring of the notes is to make the bagpipes "in the hands of a bad 
player the most shocking and unintelligible instruments imaginable : 
but this," speaking of the Northumbrian pipes, " by having the lower 
hole closed, and also by the peculiar way in which the notes are ex- 
pressed, plays all its tunes in the way called by the Italians staccato, 
and cannot slur at all." The writer then states, that "it hath no 
species of music peculiar to itself;" and afterwards remarks, that " it is 
surprising what volubility some performers on this instrument will dis- 
play, and how much they will overcome the natural disadvantages of it." 

"We cannot agree with the writer when he states that it hath no 
species of music peculiar to itself; for although there is no reason why 
the small pipes should be unable to produce the same species of music 
which the Highland pipes produce, yet the purposes to which the 
several instruments are commonly applied differing so widely, one 
class of them being used for military purposes, whilst the other is prin- 
cipally used for social and domestic amusement, the music composed for 
them must likewise, and materially, differ in character. Besides which, 
the Highlanders have been very jealous to retain the simplicity of their 
national instrument ; and we therefore find that Highland pipes have 
only the plain chanter of nine notes, whilst the Northumbrian pipes 
having undergone, through the ingenuity of succeeding makers of those 
instruments, most important alterations, in the addition of extra keys, 
do now commonly possess a full chromatic scale from A below middle C 
to B in alto, comprising every intermediate sharp and flat, or twenty-six 
notes ; music has, therefore, been composed for our Northumbrian pipes 
which cannot possibly be performed on the Highland pipes. We cannot, 
however, regard it otherwise than as somewhat of a misfortune that so 
many notes have been added to the Northumbrian chanter; for our pipera 
have thus been enabled to perform melodies which were not composed for 
the bagpipes, and which are totally unsuited for them, and bagpipe music 
has, in a great measure, lost its oiiginal simplicity and characteristics, 
save those which are inseparable from an instrument with drones. 

The history of the bagpipe is one the elucidation of which presents 
features of interest to an antiquary. We regret that the materials which 
are requisite to enable us to do anything like justice to the subject are 
not to be met with in this town, or, at any rate, we have been unable 
to meet with them. We may, however, be allowed, before 'we conclude, 
to subjoin a few particulars on this subject. 

The bagpipe is an instrument which it seems pretty clear was in use 
amongst the ancient Greeks and Romans ; to the former people it was 


known by the name AcncavXos, to the latter by that of the Tibia utricu- 
laris. Dr. Burney, in his History of Music, mentions his having seen the 
representation of one in marble, of ancient Greek sculpture, which waa 
in the possession of a Mr. Morrison, at Rome. Pennant, in his Voyage 
to the Hebrides, no doubt refers to the above piece of sculpture in the 
following passage from that work ; he states that 

" There is now in Rome a most beautiful bas-rolievo, a Grecian 
sculpture of the highest antiquity, of a bagpiper playing on his instru- 
ment exactly like a modern Highlander. The Greeks had their Ao-/cavXos, 
or instrument composed of a pipe and blown-up skin : the Romans in all 
probability borrowed it from them, and introduced it among their swains, 
who still use it under the names of Piva and Cornu musa." 

Dr. Browne, in his History of the Highlands, states " that the bagpipe 
was in use among the Trojans, Greeks, and Romans." That it was in 
use among the Romans, the following quotation from Suetonius will 
prove. Writing of Nero, the historian says, " Sub exitu quidem vitae 
palam voverat, si sibi incolumis status permansisset, proditurum se 
partas victorias ludis etiam hydraulam, et choraulam, et utricularium ac 
novissimo die histrionem, saltaturumque Virgilii Turnum." How much 
the admirers of pipe music must lament the unfortunate issue of that 
revolt which prevented the historian from recording the performance 
in public upon the bagpipes of the great Roman Emperor Nero ! 
Pennant states, that "the figure of the instrument is preserved on one 
of Nero's coins, but highly improved by that great master. It has the 
bag and two of the vulgar pipes, but was blown with a bellows, like an 
organ, and had on one side a row of nine unequal pipes resembling the 
syrinx of the god Pan." Most probably this is an early and rude con- 
ception of the greatest of all instruments, the organ. " The bagpipe, in 
the unimproved state, is also represented in an ancient sculpture, and 
appears to have had two long pipes or drones, and a single short pipe 
for the fingers." 

In one of the plates which are inserted in the first volume of Burney's 
History of Music, is the representation of the Tibia utricularis, taken 
from a bas-relief in the Court of the Santa Croce Palace at Rome. It 
is rude in construction, but it is evidently the early form of the same 
instrument which we^now recognize as the bagpipe. 

The question arises, Are the Scotch and we indebted to the Romans 
for the introduction amongst us of the bagpipes ? Pennant considers 
that we are. In his Voyage to the Hebrides, he says, speaking of the 
two kinds of bagpipes found in Scotland : 


" Neither of these instruments was the invention of the Danes, or, as 
is commonly supposed, of any of the Northern nations ; for their ancient 
writers prove them to have heen animated by the Clangor tubarum. 
Notwithstanding they have had their sseck-pipe long amongst them, as 
their old songs prove, yet we cannot allow them the honour of inventing 
this melodious instrument ; but must assert they borrowed it from the 
invaded Caledonians. We must still go further, and deprive even that 
ancient race of the credit ; and derive its origin from the mild climate of 
Italy, perhaps from Greece." 

One circumstance, however, deprives Mr. Pennant's view, in our 
opinion, from being entitled to be received, and that is the fact of the 
use of these instruments having been almost exclusively confined to the 
northern part of the island of Great Britain. Surely the Romans, in the 
course of their gradual occupation of the island northwards, would, if 
they had introduced the instrument, have found in some of the southern 
districts of the island Britons who, in that comparatively unmusical age, 
would have been quite charmed by the novel notes of the bagpipes, and 
by whom the knowledge of the method of its construction would have 
been easily acquired, and the practice of its music retained. 3 

It is very probable that the use of this instrument was imported 
into Greece and Eome from some nation lying to the north of that 
country and city, which, in its turn, owes its introduction to the Scan- 
dinavians, from whom it is not unlikely the Caledonians received the 
knowledge of the instrument and its powers. "We also think it proba- 
ble that the Northumbrian pipe is a local variation of the more ancient 
Highland pipe. 

Angus Mackay, in the introduction to his Collection of Highland Pipe 
Music, states that Giraldus Cambrensis, who died in 1225, mentions the 
pipe as a British instrument, and that there is in the chapel of Eoslin 
the sculpture of a cherub playing on a bagpipe, with a book spread be- 
fore it, proving that* in an early age the bagpipes were played in this 
island, not by the ear only, but from musical notation. That chapel 
was erected in 1446. He also states, that there is music for that in- 
strument known to have been composed in 1299, upon the occasion of 
the battle of Bealach na 'm Broaig. 

"We axe unwilling to conclude without adding one word upon the 
charms to a Highlander which the sounds of the familiar strains of the 
bagpipes awaken. Macdonald, in the preface to his work upon the 
Ancient Martial Music of Scotland, says 

3 One of the " Canterbury Pilgrims" was a bagpiper. The use of the bagpipes, 
however, in the south of England is, and appears always to have been, extremely 


" In halls of joy and in scenes of mourning the bagpipe has prevailed ; 
it has animated Scotland's warriors in battle, and welcomed them back 
after their toils to the homes of their love and the hills of their nativity. 
Its strains were the first sounded in the ears of infancy, and they are 
the last to be forgotten in the wanderings of age. Even Highlanders 
will allow that it is not the gentlest of instruments ; but when far from 
their mountain homes what sounds, however melodious, could thrill 
round their hearts like one burst of their own wild native pipe ? The 
feelings which other instruments awaken are general and undefined, be- 
cause they talk alike to Frenchmen, Spaniards, Germans, and High- 
landers, for they are common to all ; but the bagpipe is sacred to Scot- 
land, and speaks a language which Scotsmen only feel. It talks to 
them of home and all the past, and brings before them on the burning 
shores of India, the wild hills and oft-frequented streams of Caledonia ; 
the friends that are thinking of them, and the sweethearts and wives 
that are weeping for them there ! and need it be told here to how many 
fields of danger and victory its proud strains have led ! There is not a 
battle that is honourable to Britain in which its war blast has not 
sounded. When every other instrument has been hushed by the con- 
fusion and carnage of the scene, it has been borne into the thick of 
battle, and far in the advance its bleeding but devoted bearer, sinking 
on the earth, has sounded at once encouragement to his countrymen and 
his own coronach." 

We have all of us heard the story of Jessie Brown of Lucknow. 
Whether that story be true or false we know not : after reading the 
above quotation from Macdonald, it seems probable enough. We must 
say that we should almost regret being obliged to regard the story as a 





INDENTURE, 20 Nov. 42 Eliz. [l/)99] Betwixt John Awbrey of Brome, 
co. Hereford, Esquier, 1 and John Richardson of the cittie of Durham, 

WHEKEA.S, our said soveraigne Ladie, by letters patentes, 25 Apr. 28 
anno regni, did give unto the said John Awbrey and John Ratcliffe, 

Halfe of one water corne milne called Houghton and Rainton milne, 
co. Durham, late parcel of the possessions of the late dissolved hospital! 
of St. James, nighe Northallerton. 

And hir messuages or tenements and one little close in Middleton, co. 
Durham; and also all those hir two oxgangs of land in the feilds and 
territories of Middleton aforesaid, conteyneing by estimacion 14 acr., 
given for the maintenance of a prest to sing masse in the church of 
Dinsdall for ever. 

One chappell decayed and a litle howse and a garth in Bradburie, in 
the said countie, and one close of meadowe ther cont. 4 acr. 

One chappell decayed at Frosterley, and certaine garthes ther conteyn- 
ing by estimacion 3 acr. of pasture and meadowe. 

One messuage or tenement with appurtenances called Scuteshowse, 
within the parishe of Brancepeth, cont. 30 acr. of land, parcell of the 
possessions of Nicholas Richardson, of high treason attaynted. 

One chappell decayed with a curtillage, and one litle close called the 
Church garth in Fishborne cont. 1 rode of land. 

Seven rigges of arrable land in the felds and territories of Westow 
called the Ladies landes, cont. 1 acr. 

One parcell of meadow in the feildes of Carleton, cont. 1 roodeof land. 

One cottage and a garth with appurtenances in Ferrie Hill. 

Thre acres of arrable land in Seaton Carew. 

One messuage or tenemente and certaine arrable land in the towne and 
felds of Frosterley cont. 3 acr., and two beast gates of pasture their. 

Twentie sheep gates of pasture upon the common moore of Pearce- 

One chappell decayed and the Chapell Garth cont. halfe an acre of 
meadowe in Evenwood. 

1 Aubrey " was an officer of the Court of Augmentations, and a great hunter after 
concealed and forfeited lands, of which he obtained several grants." 1 Sur., ii., 56. 
The present abstract will be of considerable utility to parochial historians. The num- 
ber of decayed chapels is lamentable. 


Two messuages or ten emeu tes with 2 garth es and 10 acr. of arrable 
land in Egleston : and one close of medowe their called Bawson, cont. 
3 acr. : and one close ther called the Round Close cont. 1 acr. of mea- 
dowe : and one other close their called the Bornefote Close cont. 3 acr., 
in Egleston. 

One cottage and one litle close with appurtenances in Cotam Mun- 
devill cont. 1 rode of land. 

One litle close in or nighe Houghton in the Side cont. 1 rode. 
Three closes of pasture called the Abhot Closes in the parishe of Wit- 
ton cont. 10 acr. 

One chapell with a garth, and one close called Katherins Close in 
Heworth cont. 3 acr. of pasture : and the Prestes Close, alias Monck 
Close, within the lordshipp of Heworth and abutting upon Hebboorne, 
cont. 4 acr. of land. 

One parcell of meadowe and oertaine arrable land in Fishborne cont. 
2 acr. 

One parcell of meadowe in Windleston cont. halfe an acre. 
One chamber in Stockton, and thre litle closes their cont. 1^ acr. of 

One howse called Ferriecliffe Howse, in the parish of Kirkemerring- 
ton, and one close their to the same howse belonging, cont. 6 acr. of pas- 

One messuage or tenemente and one cottage with appurtenances in 
Stainton, and 4 oxganges of land with appurtenances cont. 30 acr. of land. 
One messuage and one garth in Hesleden. 

One cowe pasture and 5 sheepe pastures in the feeldes of Munck Hesle- 

Two messuages or tenementes and 85 acr. of arrable land in the feildes 
of Huton Henry. 

One messuage and a garth in Sheroton, and 3 acres of arrable lande, 2 
4 beast gates, 20 sheepe gates, and 1 horse gate, in the feildes of Shero- 

Two burgages or cottages in Sadburye, and halfe of an oxgange of 
land in Sadburye cont. 5 acr. of land. 

All which said several! hereditamentes are within the countye of 

One mess, or ten. and 2 oxg. of arrable land cont. 10 acr. with 
appurt. in Liverton. 

Saint Magdalen's Chapell with a curtillage called the Chapell Garth 
cont. \ acr. of pasture in Thrintofte. 

One close of pasture cont. 8 acr. with appurt. in Billisdalle. 
One chapell with a curtillage and an orchard cont. 5 acr. in Mounte 

One chapell waisted, and one close of pasture cont. 2| acr. with 
appurt. in Romanbie. 

One mess, or ten. and 2 oxg. of arrable land cont. 10 acr. with appurt. 
in the feildes and territories of Bronnton nighe Allerton. 

A parcell of pasture called Allerton Inges cont. 6 acr. in Allerton. 

2 See an amusing dispute about these " Lady-lands" in 1 Surtees, ii , 56. 


Foure closes within the towne and territories of Midleton called the 
Chantrye Closes cont. 6 acr. of arrable land and pasture. 

Two mess., 1 toft, and 1 croft, and 8 acr. of arrable land, with ther 
appurt. within the feildes and territories of Synderbye, Picall, and 

The tythe haye of 8 acr. of meadowe called the Skellinges Inge within 
the parishe of Thriske or Filliskirke. 

One fronte and certain e arrable land cont. 4 acr. within the towne 
and terr. of Catton. 

Seven oxganges of arrable land and pasture within the Lordshipp of 
Worsall cont. in all 34 acr., that is to say, 31 acr. of arrable land and 
3 acr. of pasture. 

One frontesteed with a croft of meadowe cont. 1 acr., and one other 
croft of arrable land cont. 2 acr. with appurt. in Brannsedall, and one 
house and curtillage with appurt., cont. 1 acr. of pasture in Brandsdall 

One house with a curtillage and 4 acr. of arrable land, 1 acre of 
meadowe, and one beast gate in a pasture called the Seaves in Kirkebye 
Moresyde called the Kirkeland : and 1 mess, and curtillage in Kirkebye 
Moresyde : and one parcell of arrable land and pasture cont. ^ an acre 
in Kirkebye. 

One parcell of arrable land within Ormesbye cont. ^ acr. of land. 

One curtillage and 3 acr. of arrable land called Forbilande in Mickle- 

One curtillage called a kilne close cont. 3 acr., the Mill Crofte cont. 
1^ acr., in Marton and Tollesbie. 

The Peartgarth cont. | acr. of pasture, and \ oxg. of arrable land 
cont. 3 acr. in Broughton. 

Two cottages, one curtaledg, one tofte, and one crofte cont. \ acr. of 
land, and J oxg. of arrable land cont. 3 acres in Batirsbie. 

One acre of arrable land within the North Feld of Skelton. 

One mess., 1 tofte, 1 crofte, and 3 buttes of arrable land, all which 
conteyne \\ acr. within East Cotton. 

One howse or burgage, one garth and one close of meadowe cont. \ 
acr. in Whitbye : and one litle howse and burgage in Whitbie : and 
one other howse or burgage and gardine in Whitbye : and one other 
howse or burgage and gardeine in Whitbye : and one other howse and 
gardene in Whitbye : and one parlor or howse lately buylded, late a 
waiste, in Whitby : and one close of pasture cont. 1 acr. within Whit- 
bye : and howse or burgage waisted called a tanhowse in Whitbye. 

Foure litle buttes of arrable land cont. \ acr. in Rysopp, and called 
the Kirkelandes. 

One parcell of meadowe cont. 4 acr. in Sneton, called Kirkelandes or 
Parson's Flatt. 

Two buttes of arrable land cont. 1 roode in Broughton : and one 
other parcell of arrable land in Broughton called St. Matthew Head- 
landes cont. 1 acr. 

One mess, or ten. with a curtillage and 4 flattes, called the Parson's 
Flattes, of arrable land cont. 20 acres, within Appleton. 

One parcell of pastxire cont. a rode and a halfe in Bagbye. 


One mess, or ten. and 4 cott. in Bagbye : 1 cott. in Thirske. 
The haye or the fore croppe of 1 acr. of meadowe within the lordshipp 
of Iselbecke. 

One close of pasture cont. 3 acr. in Bagbye : 1 close of arrable lande 
cont. 6 acr. in Bagbie : 1 close of arrable land called 20 acr. cont. 8 
acr. in Bagbye : 2 acr. of meadowe called the Harber Inge in Bagbye : 
1 close of arrable land called Long Leskewe cont. 20 acr. in Bagbye : 1 
parcell of wood cont. 1 acr. in Bagbye : 1 close of arrable land cont. 8 
acr. called the Sykeclose in Bagbye : 1 close of meadowe called the 
New Close cont. 1 acr. in Bagbye : 2 closes of arrable land called the 
Great Doddes worth cont. 10 acr. in Bagbye : 1 close of arrable land 
called the Brode close cont. 6 acr. in Bagbye : 1 close of meadowe and 
arrable land called the Little Inge cont. \\ acr. in Bagbye. 
The forecroppe of 1 acr. of meadowe in Iselbecke. 
Two acr. of arrable land and a halfe lying in or upon the feldes of 
Thirklebye in Bagbye : 1 close of arrable land called the Cleveland 
Street cont. 4 acr. in Bagbye : 1 close of arrable land called the Little 
Doddisworth cont. 5 acr. in Bagbye : 4 cott. with a fronte in Bagbye 
cont. among them 2^ acr. of arrable lande. 

One cott. or, and one gardene cont. 1 rode of lande in Thirske. 
One oxg. and a halfe of arrable land cont. 8 acr. in Maunbye and 
Newbye upon Wiske. 

One close called the Ladie's Oxgange of land arrable and meadowe 
cont. 4 acr. in Over Kilborne : one close called the Leayes or Leases 
cont. 1| acr. of arrable land in Over Kilborne : 1 close in two partes 
devided, called the Buck Carr in Over Kilborne, cont. 2 acr. of arrable 

One parcell of land called the Lainpe Inge cont. 1^ acr. of pasture in 
Nether Kilborne. 

One parcell of meadowe called Ellerbitt cont. 3 rodes in Cundall : 1 
parcell of meadowe called the Fishergate cont. 3 rodes in Cundall : and 
\ acr^ of arrable land in Cundall. 

The Long Close cont. 1 acre : 1 parcell of meadowe cont. 1 acre, and 
one litle pece of land called Graystones cont. 1 rode in the parishe of 

One litle close in Huddeswell cont. 5 acr. of arrable land and pasture. 
One Chappell decayed or dissolved, and a curtillage cont. \ acr. of 
arrable land in Bagbye aforesaid. 

One howse called the Scoole howse, and one parcell of land called a 
Bancke cont. 2 acr. of pasture ; and one howse called the Smithie in 

One howse and 2 roodes of land in Carle tton. 

One chapell in the common streete of Mowlton and two beast gates 

One cottage and halfe an acre of arrable land, and halfe an acre of 
meadow called the Fosteres, halfe an acre of land in Cotherston : one 
milstone quarrie lying upon the common moore of Cotherston. 

Two burgages lying together in Northallerton : 1 other burgage or 
ten. in Northallerton : and 1 mess, or burg, in Allerton aforesaid. 
One close of pasture called Etrigg Close cont. 1 acr. in Ritchmond. 


One tenements and 6 oxganges of arrable land, meadowe and pasture, 
cont. 30 acr. of land ; *'. e. 20 acr. of arrable land, 6 acr. of pasture, and 
4 acr. of meadowe in Exilbye. 

Two oxg. of arrable land within Thruntofte cont. 10 acr. 

One close of meadow called the Fryer Inge cont. 6 acr. within 
Skrewton : and one house and one oxgang of arrable land cont. 5 acres 
within Skrewton. 

One close of meadowe cont. 2 acr. in Leming. 

One chapell waisted, and a curtillage called St. "Wylfride's Chappell 
in Epplebye : certaine arrable lands and pasture cont. 8 acr., and one 
fronte and 3 litle closes of pasture cont. 2 acr. within Eppleby and 
Forcett : and one frontesteed in Epplebye. 

One chappell with a curtillage in Bellerbye : and the Chappell Close 
cont. 3 acr. of arrable land in Bellerbye. 

Thirtie and one acres of arrable land, and two litle closes of meadowe 
cont. 4 acres in Forcett aforesaid : 14 acr. of pasture within West Lay- 
ton : and 5 acr. of arrable land in West Layton and within the parishe 
of Forcett aforesaid. 

One howse or mess, and one curtillage, one lofte, one crofte cont. ^ 
acr. of pasture, and one acre of arrable land in Ovington : and those 
tythes of hay within the territories of Ovington. 

One little close of pasture cont. 1 acre at the head of the street 
called French gate in the territories of Eitchmond. 

One Chapell waisted with a curtillage in North Cowton. 

One parcell of pasture cont. 12 acr. in Lartington. 

One parcell of pasture cont. 3 acr. called the Lymebanckes, alias the 
Calfe Close, in Nabie. 

One chappell with a curtillage cont. one rode of pasture in Ayskewe. 

One halfe oxgange of arrable land and pasture cont. 3 acr. ; 1 litle 
curtillage on the backside of the tythe barne called the staggarth cont. 
1 rode of land, and 1 frontsteed or curtilage upon the East Kawe cont. 
1 rode of land, and 1 cottage with a curtilage upon the West *Eowe 
lying and being in Wolmelton cont. 1 rode of land. 

Two burgages with two gardens in Eitchmond : 1 mess, or burg, and 
gardene in Eitchmond : and 1 close of meadowe cont. 3 acr. in Eitch- 

One chappell within the territories of Thorpe. 

One chappell waisted in Long Cowton. 

One tofte and one crofte cont. 1 acre of arrable land and pasture lying 
in Great Broughton. 

One chappell and curtillage in Fletham. 

One close of pasture called the Abbot te Close cont. 1| acre in Great 
Learning : and one howse or cottage and curtilage in Great Learning. 

All which last recyted premisses are within the countie of Yorke. 

To hold unto the use of Awbrey and Eatcliffe their heirs and assigns. 

To be holden of hir highnes as of the manor of Est Grenewiche in 
free and common soccage, and not in capite nor by knightes service, 
yealdinge the rentes in the letters patentes mentioned. 

John Eatcliffe is long since deceased. 

The said Awbrey DOTH BABGAIX AND SELL unto the said Eichardson all 
the premisses. 


AND WHEREAS Anthony Collins and James Mayland, of the citie of 
London, gent., by indenture 29 Mar., 27 Eliz., did bargain and sell 
unto John Awbrey and George Pudsey, gent. 

All that howse with one litle kilne and 5 acr. of land in Billingham 
and "Wouston. 

And all that howse and litle inclosed ground cont. 1 acre of land nere 
Yaram Loning. 

And all that close called Raybie garth. 

One pece of meadow called Ladie Meadowe cont. 2 acres. 

Three rigges of arrable land cont. \ acr. in the feldes of Sadbury : 
and 3 rigges of arrable land in the feldes of Sadburie. 

A waist guildhowse and a waist curtillage with a kilne, one acre of 
land, one wast barne in Staindropp. 

Thre closes of pasture and meadowe nere the towne of Darnton called 
Bennet Feld, Dowe Croftes, and Bennettes Hall : and 3 acr. of meadowe 
and one inclosed plott called Pellmires Close. 

That chappell in the towne of Ulston with one oxgange of land called 
the Magdalene Land within the towne feldes and territories of Ulston. 

That peece of meadowe called Prestes Meeades cont. 5 roods within 
the feldes of Litle Usworth. 

Ther capital messuage or ten. called Thorneleye, with one inclosure 
called the Round Close, one other inclosed plott called the Caxtewe, one 
other inclosure called the Moore Closes, and certaine pasture called 
Elleres, with the carres cont. 4 acr. : and one inclosed plott called the 
Banckes, with the pondes cont. \ acr. of land : and one other inclosure 
called Wheatley Croftes Leazes cont. 5 acr. : and one other close called 
Gibson's Close cont. 2 acr. of land : and one other inclosure called 
Cawdwell : and another inclosure of pasture called the Leye Feld or 
Gallilawefeld ; parcel of the land of John Trollopp, Esquier, attainted 
of highe treason. 3 

There third parte of one tenemente within the towne of Hertlepoole. 

Ther chappell called Armor Chappell or Barnard Chappell with cer- 
taine pasture called Lingfurth cont. 5 acr. 

And one parcel of meadowe cont. 3 roodes in Headlam. 

Thre inclosures cont. 4 acr. in Lamesley. 

All which premisses are in the countie of Durham. 

As Quene Elizabeth by letteres paten tes 17 Mar., in the yeare above 
written, did, among diverse other thinges, grante the same to the said 
Anthony and James, To hold as of hir mannor of Est Grenewich by 
fealtie only, and not by knightes service, and paying the rentes in the 
letteres patentes mentioned. 

George Pudsey is deceased. 

Awbrey DOTH BAEGAINE AND SELL the premisses to Richardson. 
Enrolled in Chancery 2 Feb., [1600.] 

3 Sec 1 Sur. ii., 88, note k. 



THEBE was an indictment at Newcastle-upon-Tyne against John Meggee, 
a mason, for perjury committed on 17 Nov- 2 Jac. II., by deposing be- 
fore Nicholas Cole, Esq., the Mayor. The deposition complained of is 
illustrative of the power of the Mayor and Aldermen over the Trade 
Companies. It was 

"That there being an order from the Right Worshipfull the Mayor 
and six Aldermen of this town to the Stewards and Company of Masons, 
that John Simpson, late servant to John Godfrey, mason, should be per- 
mitted to serve the remainder of his terme with Margarett Godfrey, 
widow of the said John, and that any of the Company might be ad- 
mitted to work with him, which order was signed by Mr. Mayor and 
the Aldermen, and was presented to the Stewards and Company at their 
meeting last Saturday ; but the said Stewards, and also J. H., &c., bro- 
thers of the Company, did obstinately refuse to obey the said order, 
and made an order in the Company to twart and contradict that signed 
by Mr. Mayor and the Aldermen, and did discharge the brethern of the 
Company from working with the said apprentice." 1 

The Stewards and brethren absolutely denied the opposition alleged. 
1 From a copy of the indictment in Mr. Trueman's possession. 



SCRTTFTTTON is first mentioned in the time of Cutheard, Bishop of Chester- 
le-Street (900-915). "In those days Ealfred son of Britulfinc, flying 
from the pirates, came from beyond the hills on the west, praying the 
compassion of S. Ctithbert and Bp. Gutheard, that they would lend 1 
some lands to him. Gutheard lent him these vills : Esington, Sileton, 
Thorep, Horeden, Toden, Two Ceattons, South Toden, Holom, Hoton, 
Tumlington, Billingham with its appurtenances, Scrufuton 2 ; reserving 
full service." 3 " Has omnes villas praestitil episcopus Elfredo ut sibi et 
congregation! fidelis esset et de his plenum servitium redderet."* In 
the same episcopate Sheraton would hardly escape the usurpation and 
grievous tributes of the pagan Scula, who ruled from Yodene (Eden) to 

Sheraton was afterwards held in moieties by the tenure of drengage, 
the servility of which is admirably brought out by Mr. Hinde in Part I. 
of Hodgson's Northumberland. In Boldon Book we iind that " John 
holds a moiety of Shuruton for 3 marks, and is quit of the works and 
services which used to be done for the moiety of that drengage, for 
Craucrok, which he quit claimed." Thus the services on half his estate 
were so heavy as to require the sacrifice of the other half a vill as the 
purchase of enfranchisement. This was a strange state of affairs, and 
the charter terminating it will be an interesting addition to Mr. Green- 
well's edition of the Boldon Buke. 

H. dl gra Dimelm epc. oiiiibj- hoibj totj 9 epatus siii Francis 
~t Angt : satt. Sciatis nos concessisse. ~t present! carta confirmasse 
JoM filio Witti de Scurueton. medietate uille de Scurueton. q a m 
pater suus ~t aiitecessores sui de noB ~t antecessoribj nris in 

1 The verb is preesto. 

2 1 Leland. Coll. ex incerto auctore de Lindisfarne, ii., 373. 

3 Lib. Eub. Dunelm, * Hist. Sci. Cuthberti. 


drengagio tenuert r' tenenda ej ~t heredib j suis de nofi ~t suc- 
cessoribj in lifcam firma reddendo in singtis annis ad q a tuor 
Pminos in epatu constitutes.^ tres marcas p omi seruitio. excepto 
qd ad comune auxiliu cu uenJit r' dabit ad plus una marca. Hanc 
au libtate pnoato Jofii dedim 9 ~t cocessim 9 p uilla de Craucruc. 
q a m patri suo Wifto ded?am 9 qui ilia de nofi in drengagio tenuit. 
~t p 9 mod pnotat 9 Jotis nofc eani p bactm reddidit. ~t nofo ~t suc- 
cessoribj nris de se ~t faedibj suis q'etam clamauit. Qr a uolum 9 
~t pcipim 9 qd sup'dict 9 Jofis memorata tram iure heditario pos- 
sideat ~t teneat ut dcm e cu omibj ad earn <ptinentibj in bosco 

~t piano in ?ris cultis h cultis. in p a tis ~t pascuis. i aquis 

stagnis. ~t molendinis. i uiis ~t semitis. ~t in omibj aliis li'btatibj 
li^e. q'ete. ~t honorifice p pdcin seruitiu. solutam ~t q'etam ab 
omibj aliis seruitiis ~t consuetudinibj. Testibj Gille^ Hausard. 
Gauf r de Torp. Philipp filio Hamois Gilleb caiijario. ~t Gilleb 
filio ej 9 WalPo de Musters. Gilleb de Hewurth. Witto de Was- 
sinton. Ric de Parca ~t Gaufr filio ej 9 . Kic de Punt Chardun ~t 
Wal?o filio ej 9 . WalPo de Brafarton ~t Jofie filio ej 9 ~t mttis aliis. 

This half of Sheraton descended to the Askes, and was always held 
by the three marks (40.). The other half continued in drengage. 
" Thomas holds the other moiety of Shuruton, and renders 30s. for corn- 
age, and half a cow for metride, and half a castle-man, and 4 scat-chal- 
ders of malt, and as many of meal, and as many of oats. And every 
plough of his villains ploughs and harrows two acres, and each of them 
makes three precations in autumn with one man, and he carts half a tun 
of wine and a mill stone to Durham. The dreng feeds a dog and a 
horse, as much as belongs to a moiety of the drengage, and attends in the 
great chase with one greyhound, and two ropes and a half, and two men, 
and follows the pleas, and goes on messages." 

This drengage moiety descended to Lord Nevil, who, at Hatfield's 
Survey, held it ; but some of the services were then covered by a dren- 
gage rent and other payments. Aske held the other moiety by foreign 
service and the 40s. ; and the whole vill was then said to cart the wine 
and millstone. 

The rest of the history of Sheraton may be found in the pages of 
Surtees, but he strangely confounds the Askes' with the drengage moiety, 
and must be read with caution. 



THE following documents are selected from the series of royal and other 
letters preserved in the Tower of London : 

No. I. Philp de TJlecote to the King (Henry IIL), praying redress for 
the injuries which the Bishop of Durham had done him by seizing 
his lands and houses, ill-treating his servants, and imprisoning them 
at Durham. [The lands in question were at Seaham. Philip de 
TJlecote also held the manors of Nafferton, Matfen, and Lorbottle, in 
Northumberland, by grand sergeanty. He held the shrievalty of 
the latter county " ut custos" during the latter years of John, and 
the commencement of the reign of Henry III.] 

No. II. Philip de Ulecote to Hubert de Burg, Justiciar of England. 
Hugh de (Bailliol ?) hindered him from restoring the castle of Mid- 
ford to Roger (Bertram) until his rights in the manor of Mere, which 
the Earl of Salisbury detains, were restored to him. He threatened 
to depart from the King's service. The Justiciar is requested to 
cause these rights to be restored. [Hugh de Bailliol had the cus- 
tody of the castles of Bamburgh, Norham, Durham, Newcastle, 
Mitford, and Prudhoe, " si humanitas contingat quod absit de fideli 
nostro Ph. de TJlecot." Rot. Pat. 18 Johann.~\ 

No. I. 

Karissimo domino suo Henrico Dei gratia Regi Anglise domino 
Hybernise Duci Normanniae Aquitaniae Comiti Andegaviae fidelis suus 
Philippus de TJlecot'. Salutem et devotum obsequium et fidele. Bene 
scit dominacio vestra qualiter apud Gloucestriam lata fuit sententia 
excommunicationis in omnes illos qui pacem vestram et rengni vestri 
perturbarent. Dominus vero Dunolmensis Episcopus spreta ilia sententia 
cum post recessum suum de Gloucestria venisset usque Dunolm' voluit 
expellere me de quadam terra quam teneo in Episcopatu Dunolmensi et 
quam pacifice possedi a Ion go tempore antequam idem Episcopus est 
consecratus usque nunc. Ego vero volens pacem rengni vestri postulavi 
pacem vestram et posui me et meam possessionem sub proteccione et 
pace vestra offerens dicto Episcopo quod accederem ad curiam vestram 
vel suam et libenter starem judicio curiaa vestras vel suaa. Ipse vero spretis 
verbis meis misit multitudinem servientum suorum cum equis et armis 
ad terrain et domos meas et recludit homines meos custodientes terrain 
meam et domos meas infra domum quandam et apposito ingne in 


quatuor partibus domus illius homines meos cepit et violenter tractavit 
et tamquam latrones duxit usque Dunolm' et incarceravit et detinet in- 
carcerates. Supplico igitur dominacioni vestrse quatenus si placet istud 
mihi et non solum mihi immo et vobis et paci rengni vestri injuriose 
factum emendari faciatis. Nolo enim vobis in consultis aliquid facere per 
quod viderer rengnum et pacem vestram perturbare. Tantum inde 
facientes si placet ne alii exemplo ipsius minime timeant pacem rengni 
vestri perturbare et infringere. Valeto in Domino. 

No. II. 

Karissimo domino suo domino Henrico de Burg' Justiciario Anglise 
PMlippus de Ulec' Salutem et debitum obsequium pro magna diligencia 

negociorum meorum expedicionem apud Winton' sicut per 

Alanum clericum meum didici multipliciter vobis refero gratiarum 

.... litterarum domini Regis et Legati et vestrarum quas detulit 

Walterus de Lundon' clericus alius dictus Hugo de qui 

inhibuit me Castrum de Midford' alicui redderem nisi prius redderentur ei 
jura sua quse haberem debere in manerio de Mere quod dominus Comes Sarr' 
injuste detinet ocupatum adjecit et audiente Waltero de Lundon' clerico 
et presentibus militibus Rogero . . et aliis quamplurimis quod si cas- 
trum reddidissem ipse se retraheret a bono servicio domini Regis et mihi 
nocumentum pro toto posse suo quaereret et gravamen et licet predictum 
castrum reddere voluissem de facile hoc facere non possem eo quod 
milites et servientes qui predictum castrum custodiebant nomine predicti 
Hugonis per convencionem super eo factam apud Gloucestriam adhuc 
sunt infra predictum castrum nee de facile inde exhibunt sine speciali 

ejusdem H. et ideo exellenciam vestram diligenter exoro 

quatinus habito respectu ad regni tranquillitatem predicto Hugoni jus 
suum quod clamat in predicto manerio de Mere reddi faciatis sine dila- 
tione longiori et vos una cum domino Winton' juxta promissum vestrum 
de operacionibus et custis positis in inforciamento predicti castelli mei 
penitus vestro satisfacere curetis ut sciam q' inde percipere debeam ut 
sic sopita omni contraversia et discordia castrum predictum predicto 
Rogero restituatur et nos qui fideliter laboravimus ad bonum serviendum 
domino Regi et vobis plenius informemur satis constat vobis quod 
causam domini Hugonis nunquam seperavi a convencione quam vobiscum 
feci de predicto castro reddendo et si forte videatur vobis quod predicto 
meo domino Hugoni et mihi non debeat satisfieri prefigatis nobis diem 
competentem et convocetis Philippum Marcum et alios qui verba porta- 
verunt inter consilium domini Regis et me et vos secundum eorum re- 
cordum et narracionem consideracioni vestrse sicut decet obediemus nee 
sustineatis nee ubique suspeditari nee miremini si ea quae juste posside- 
mus in manus inimicorum nostrorum relinquamus inniti cum hu- 
cusque in omnibus perdentes exstitimus et ob hoc inimicis nostris ob- 
probium facti simus et derisio hiis qui in comitatu nostro sunt nam per 
timorem unius solius hominis quod dolentes dicimus tales preter merita 
sua promoveri permittitis qui pocius succumbere quam militare merue- 
runt. Valeto in Domino. 



JULIA, only daughter of Sir Christopher Conyers of Horden, Durham, 
in 1684 married Sir "William Blackett, Bart, of Newcastle and Wal- 
lington. He died in 1705, and she re-married with Sir William 
Thompson, Knt., Recorder of London, and one of the Barons of the Ex- 
chequer. Her mother was Julia, daughter of Richard Viscount 

Her eldest daughter, Julia, married, 1706, Sir Walter Calverley, of 
Calverley, and was mother of Sir Walter Calverley Blackett of Wal- 
lington ( " grandson Walter Calverley " of this will). His daughter Julia 
("granddaughter Julia Calverley"), married, 1733, Sir George Trevelyan, 
of Nettlecombe. 

Her fifth daughter, Isabella, in 1743, married David Earl of Buchan. 

Her youngest daughter, Anne, married, first, John Trenchard, Esq., 
of Abbots Leigh, Somerset ; and, secondly, Thomas Gordon, Esq., 
translator of Tacitus, &c., and joint-author, with his friend Trenchard, 
of Cato's Letters, &c. 

Her fourth daughter, Frances, married, 1729, the Hon. Robert 
Bruce, eldest surviving son of Charles Lord Bruce. 

Her second daughter, Elizabeth, married William Marshall, Esq., 
eldest son of Sir John Marshall, Knight, of Reavely, Huntingdon. 

It appears from this will that the testator bore the name of her first 
husband after her second marriage, unless it should be a mistake of the 
transcriber of this, an old copy on paper ; but the name Julia Blackett 
being repeated in the attestation of the witnesses, would show that this 

could not be the case. 


Wallington, July 9, 1857. 


In the name of God, Amen, I make this my last will and testament. 

First, I make my husband, Sir Wm. Thomson, sole executor thereof, 
to whome I devise all my estate, reall and personall, whatever, except 
the legacys following, viz. : 

I devise to my daughter Calverley all my gold in my gold purse 
imbroyderd with pearle. I all so give her my gilt cup and salver, my 


nett bed, my first weeding ring, my dear mother's weeding ring, and 
my grandmother Lumley's weeding ring sett with dimonds, and all the 
toys belonging to my watch, and my eaglestone. 

To my grandson Walter Calverley I give my gold watch. 

To my granddaughter Julia Calverley I give my diamond earrings 
with French pearle drops; and my gold chain for my watch, with 
hookes to it for toys. 

I devise to ray daughter Isabella Blackett my best diamond earrings 
and necklase, with the diamond buckle to buckle it ; as allso my pearle 
necklase, my gold chain and hoke for my watch, my gold snuff-box, and 
my common prayer-book with gold clasps and plates, my gold cup, my 
silver philigrine cabenett and perfumeing pan, my tow (two) glass with 
silver frames, and my tow silver sconces, and my three dozen silver 
counters in a silver box, and my diamond buckle for my girdle, she 
paying my husband, Sir Win. Tomson, five hundred pounds out of 
it in a year after my death ; and in case shee should not accept this my 
devise, then my diamond necklace to be sold for the payment of the 
monny, and the overplus to go to my daughter Isabella, if any such 
should be. 

I give to my daughter Trencherd my tow diamond buckles and taggs 
I wear upon my stays. 

In witness whereof I have hereunto sett my hand and scale this 
twelveth day of June, 1722. JULIA BLACKETT. 

Signd, sealed, and published, as the last will and testament 
of the said Julia Blackett, in our presance, and signed by us 
in her presance. MABGARET BATES. 



I give to my daughter Frances Blackett my diamond earrings with 
four diamonds each, my diamond crosse and colong. 

And to my daughter Marshall my amothist ring sett round with 
diamonds, in rememberance of me. 

To my neice Fanny Shuckburgh I give my topas earrings, and disire 
my daughter Bell may have my books. 



IN a recent visit to By well, I observed that the sculptured stone of 
which a sketch is given no longer occupied its original position in the 
Church of St. Andrew's. Previous to the late restoration, it formed 
one of the facing-stones of the southern splay of the west window, in 
the basement of the tower. I trust it may have been removed and 
carefully preserved, being a most interesting and singular specimen of 
Saxon work ; but if it have not, the sketch, which I made some years 
ago, when resident at Ovingham, may be depended on for accuracy. 
The sculpture is in low relief, of curious and unusual knot-work de- 
sign, and is apparently only a portion of a larger stone, the tracery 
being abruptly terminated by the fracture. At the other end the design 
has been completed, and the face of the stone beyond it is perfectly 
plain. This Church of St. Andrew's, with its sister Church of St 
Peter's, possesses several points of interest to the antiquarian visitor, 
as indeed do all the churches on Tyneside, especially if viewed in the 
light of the theory which refers the church colonization of this district 
to the one master-mind of Wilfrid of Hexham. 

The tower of St. Andrew's is of decided Saxon character, and closely 
allied to that of Ovingham in its form and details, as in the double 
round-headed windows divided by a plain baluster, and included under 
a simple semicircular arch. The chancel is of remarkable length, being 
longer than the nave by two feet, an unusual feature. It may be re- 
marked, that both these churches are curiously one-sided, if I may so 
express it, as well as the neighbouring churches of Ovingham and Cor- 
bridge. St. Andrew's possesses a chancel, nave, and western tower r 
and, in addition, one, a southern, transept. St. Peter's has chancel, 
nave, and western tower, and one, a southern, aisle, extended a little 
eastward beyond the nave. Ovingham, besides the ordinary features of 
chancel, nave, and tower, presents us with north and south transepts^ 
and one aisle to each, on the western side, and also a southern aisle to 
the nave. Corbridge again has one chancel aisle, on the northern side. 


The sepulchral slabs bearing crosses at St. Andrew's are worthy of 
remark, no less than four being used as lintels to the doorway and win- 
dows in the church, and three standing against the north wall outside. 
In the porch remains the stoup for holy water, rarely spared by Puritan 

St. Peter's Church retains its Saxon northern wall of the nave, now 
pierced by an arch of communication with the chantry on the north 
side, but with the small round-headed windows still occupying their 
original position high up in the wall. The chancel of the Saxon church 
of Edmundbyers presents the same feature. Within the altar rails of 
St. Peter's lies an. outline figure of a knight in armour, and also the an- 
cient altar slab with its five crosses. At the east end of the south aisle 
lies also the slab of a chantry altar. I may remark, in passing, that the 
altar slabs exist in the neighbouring churches of Ovingham and Cor- 
bridge, though in the latter portions only ; whilst Hexham Abbey 
Church displays in the pavement a noble high altar slab, at least seven 
feet in length, with five cross crosslets, and the almost unmatched ex- 
ample of an altar in situ, between the second and third piers on the 
northern side of the nave. The eastern triple lancet windows of St. 
Peter's are repeated in the churches of Ovingham and Stamfordham ; in 
the last with a little elaboration. 

Of the bells of St. Andrew's I have no note. St. Peter's possesses 
two bells, of which one bears an inscription, apparently a hexameter line 
rhyming in itself, but which is confused in the middle, either from an 
error in the casting or from the difficulty I found in transcribing that 
particular part. It runs in Loinbardics thus : 


Ut surgant gentes voco. . . .et cito jacentes. 

/ The other bell bears the unusual inscription of the whole alphabet, 
preceded by " Tu es Petrus," in character varying very slightly from the 


A curious, and I believe as yet unexplained, feature of St. Peter's 
Church lies in the apparently unfinished state of the external wall of the 
northern chantry. Between each window may be seen the springer of 
an arch, and the wall above each left rough and unfinished, as if for 
future insertions. It suggests the idea of an intended cloister, but there 
remains no memorial of such having ever existed. 

These two churches bear, popularly, the names of the ' Black ' and 
the 'White' Churches, a faint but lasting reminiscence, doubtless, of 

;i scw-M-TvKfc BUILT 









B > 

f ! 

I 5 

a( $ 







the different Orders of Religious by whom they were served, and who, ( 
in rugged and turbulent times, maintained the light of Christian faith in 
this romantic and sequestered corner of the bishoprick. Recommending 
to the notice of the visitor at Bywell, as well as its churches, also its 
mediaeval fortalice ; and suggesting to the naturalist a glance at the an- 
cient mulberry tree near the entrance of the park, and the noble oak 
trees standing in the grounds ; I conclude these imperfect remarks with 
the hope that some more able pen may be induced to give the history of 
these sister churches, and throw some light on their connexion, and that 
of other churches in the district, with the great and noble mother 
church of Hexham. 


Edmundbyers, March, 1858. 



IN the middle of April last, about fifty yards north-east of the Cliff 
House, Amble, and about twenty yards from the end of what is called 
Warkworth South Pier, the pilots came upon a long upright stone, 
standing out of the shale to the height of twelve or fourteen inches, 
which had been laid bare by the recent heavy gales, but which, from 
its rude appearance, did not afford the idea of anything beyond a mere 
accidental tilting. Alongside this upright stone was a large unwrought 
slab, which, on being raised, was found to be the covering of a cist or 
sepulchral chamber, containing a perfect skeleton. The figure was lying 
on its left side, with the head to the south-west, having the knees much 
doubled, and with the right arm thrown back. By its side stood an urn 
of unbaked clay. This urn, now in the Museum of the Duke of North- 
umberland resembles in size and shape that which was found a few 
years since at Hawkhill, and which is preserved in the Museum of the 
Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle. It contained a small quantity of 
dark earth. 

Having given this general outline of the discovery, I shall proceed to 
offer such observations as I have been able to make, and have considered 
worth recording. I grieve to say, that before the period of my visit 
the spoiler had been busy with these venerable remains. The skull had 
been broken up, the jaws smashed, every tooth appropriated, and the 
bones indiscriminately mingled, after many a century of undisturbed 

The cist or chamber containing the remains was composed of four 
slabs, inserted edgewise in a cavity which appeared to have been dug 
out of the friable shale which lies, upon the harder rock in this locality. 
It ranged south-east and north-west, and measured as follows : Depth, 
18 J inches; width, 26 inches; length at bottom, 4 feet, at top, 3 feet 
4 inches ; the difference between the top and bottom measurements 
being accounted for by the shrinking of the ends. The cavity in the 
shale was much larger than the cist, and the space between the slabs 



and the shale was closely filled in with stones, roughly broken, com- 
mingled with earth and larger stones. The side slabs projected some- 
what beyond the ends. The bottom of the cist was covered, to the 
depth of about half an inch, with dark, unctuous mould. 

Amongst the rubbish composing the filling up of the space above 
mentioned, was found an angular piece of silex, probably an unfinished 
arrow-head ; and in the south-west corner of the cist lay a large, smooth 
cobble stone, which, when considered in conjunction with the flint 
flake, the imagination may easily construe into the club of this ancient 
denizen of our shores. The slab which constituted the cover of the 
cist was of great size, and extended in every direction considerably 
beyond it ; and the upright stone was set up, not at one of the ends, 
but along its length. It is remarkable that a close inspection of these 
stones give no trace of chisel-marks in any part. In order that the 
cover might lie level, pieces of shale, flags, &c., were laid on the up- 
rights which formed the cist, wherever an irregularity presented itself, 

Within the memory of man the rock ran out from this point for some 
yards into the sea, at a considerable elevation ; but the construction of a 
pier in the immediate neighbourhood has caused the removal of much of 
the stone, and the spray of our wild sea- waves now dashes over the spot 
which for countless generations may have been peacefully tenanted by 
these nameless bones. At the same time, it does not appear probable 
that at any period there has been, at this particular point, a very deep 
covering of the sand and bent which are found thick and rank upon the 
adjacent 'links.' 

The skull must have been very characteristic, having attracted general 
observation from the extraordinary lowness of the frontal region, the 
great development of the occipital portion of the head, and the width and 
length of the lower jaw from its anterior junction to the articulation of the 
temporal bone. One person observed that during life the man " must 
have measured as much to the top of his eyebrows as to the top of his 
head;" and another, whilst expatiating upon the thickness of the 
skull, irreverently assured me that " they don't make such skulls now 
a days." The teeth are said to have been very beautiful and regular, 
and quite sound. With the exception of a front tooth, which was mis- 
sing in the lower jaw, they were perfect. The thigh-bone measured 
19^ inches, indicating a man of large size; whilst the porous internal 
organization of the bones gave probable evidence of comparative youth. 

The urn is unbaked, of a light clay colour, and measures in height 
8 inches, in depth 7 inches, and in diameter 5 inches. It is orna- 
mented with zigzag scorings, alternating with dotted lines, and upright 


(and sometimes slanting) scorings, which, appear to have been made with 
some rude instrument whilst the clay was moist. The scorings are con- 
tinued over the edge of the rim. On being rather roughly seized by one 
of the men, it being expected that it contained treasure, a piece was 
broken off; but no material injury has been occasioned. 

The stone found in the cist does not resemble any that one may pick 
up upon the neigbouring shore, and attracted attention from its bearing 
no assignable relation to what I may call the masonry of the tomb. I 
have since learned that stones are not unfrequently found in Teutonic 
graves on the Continent, and that recently a singular oval stone was 
found in a tumulus on Petersfield Heath. 

It appears that, a few years ago, in the immediate proximity of the 
present discovery, two or more tumuli were found, which contained urns 
and bones ; and flint arrow heads of elaborate finish have been occasion- 
ally met with. It is, therefore, every way likely that more of these 
curious and ancient tombs, with other records of an early and primitive 
race, long since, with all its customs and associations, passed away, will 
from time to time be brought to light. 

J. W. DUNN. 
Warkworth Vicarage. 



Annual Meeting, 1 Feb. 1858. 
Lord Ravensworth, V.P., in the Chair. 

READ. The Annual Report of the Council, and the Treasurer's 
Account as printed, page xiv. A sum of 30/. on account of admittances 
to the Castle was afterwards handed to him. 

A letter announcing a donation from M. Bourchet de Perthes, of 
Abbeville, of upwards of 80 volumes. MR. ROACH SMITH. 

A letter acknowledging the compliment of election as honorary mem- 
ber. The ABBE COCHET, of Dieppe. 

The following letter to Mr. Hodgson Hinde, Y.P., dated Bewcastle 
Rectory, Jan. 13, 1858. THE REV. JOHN MAUGHAN. 

" In compliance with my promise, I send you, by this day's post, a 
rubbing of each of the inscribed stones at Lanercost, 1 and I shall now 
venture to make a few observations on each of them. 

" No. 1 is a rubbing of a stone which was described by Mr. Smith, 
in 1744, in the Gentleman's Magazine, vol. xiv., p. 369. Mr. Smith 
says, ' It has escaped the observation of all antiquaries, by its obscure 
situation : it was discovered by two masons at work there, who inform- 
ing me of it, I went this day to examine it, and, by the help of a ladder, 
noted down the characters : ' Jovi Optimo Maximo Cohors prima MV\& 
Dacorum cui prseest Julius Saturninus Tribunus.' ' Since Mr. Smith's 
time the position of this stone appears to have been forgotten, as it has 
not been noticed by any other antiquarian who has visited the old 
abbey. My attention having been directed to Mr. Smith's description 
of it, I made a search through the ruins and rediscovered it a short 
time since. It is in the clerestory, or open gallery which runs round 
the upper part of the edifice, in the south-east corner of the choir, and 
forms a headstone or cover for the arch between the pillar and main 
wall. It is near the summit of the outer wall, and must have been 
placed there when the abbey was first built. A better place could not 
have been selected for its preservation. It has evidently been an altar, 
and broken down by the masons into a segment of a circle, so as to form 
a support or centre for the arch above it. It is very interesting to find 
it now perfectly legible, and probably in as good and perfect a state as 
it was immediately after its mutilation by the masons in the 12th 
century. It is a curious link between the early, the middle, and the 
present ages of the Christian era. I agree with Mr. Smith's rendering 

1 Accurate drawings of these stones will doubtless appear in the Lapidarium 
alluded to iu the Annual Report. 


of the inscription, namely: 'To Jupiter, the best, the greatest, the 
first Cohort of the Dacians, styled ^lia, over which is Julius Saturniuus, 
a Tribune" (placed this). The position and roughness of the stone 
render it difficult to get a very good rubbing, but the following is the 
accurate reading of it. The lines are rendered imperfect, in conse- 
quence of the shape of the stone. 

i . o . M 
CHO . i . AE 


" No. 2 is a rubbing of one of the altars which are preserved in the 
crypt. It may be read as follows : 

' Deo Sancto Silvano Venatorcs Banne susceptum DEO SANCTO 

(votum) solnmt.' To the Holy God Silvanus the SILVANO VE 

hunters of Banna pay (this vow) which had been NATORES. 

made by them. BANNE S . s . s . 

"Banna is generally supposed to have been the name of a Eoman 
station. This, however, is questionable. The Roman stations were 
decidedly military garrisons, and it is doubtful whether any of them 
were the residences of huntsmen. Besides, among the numerous Roman 
stations mentioned in the Notitia, we do not find the name of Banna. 
It may have been merely a local name. The old British word ' banau ' 
signified ' high or elevated places.' The ' Yenatores Banne ' may have 
been the hunters of the hills or high grounds, which we may suppose to 
have been covered with woods and forests at that time, as the altar is 
dedicated to Silvanus, who is generally esteemed the tutelary deity of 
the woods. Dr. Bruce, in his Roman Wall, p. 395, gives a woodcut of 
this altar, and, considering the letters s.s. to denote the plural number, 
reads them ' sacraverunt.' In one of the inscriptions in Cainden 
(Lancashire) I find the same letters, and in a marginal note they are 
read thus susceptum (votum) solvunt. The dot between the letters s.s. 
on the Lanercost altar may perhaps be considered as an intimation that 
these letters were intended to represent two words. 

" No. 3 is a rubbing of another of the crypt altars. I think it ought 
to be read thus 

' Deo Cocidio milites Legionis vicesimae, Valerias, n . E . o 

Victricis, votum solvunt libenter, merito. Apro et Rufo COCIDIO 

Consulibus.' To the god Coeidius the soldiers of the MILITES . 

20th Legion, styled Valerian and Victorious, pay (this) LEG xx w 

vow willingly, deservedly. Aper and Rufus being v . s . L . M 

Consuls/ APft . ET 4 . RTF 4 . COS 

' Dr. Bruce, p. 380, gives a fac-simile of this altar, and in the fourth 
line shows the letter x occurring four times, but does not favour us 

2 The letters NIN are tied. Ed. 3 NE are tied. Ed, 

4 The ET and VF are tied letters. Ed. 


with any interpretation of such a reading, which appears to me to have 
no meaning, and not to be warranted by the vestiges on the stone. 
After a very careful examination I am satisfied that there are no traces 
of the cross-bar of the third x. I took four rubbings, and none of them 
left any indication of it. That which he reads as the fourth x appears 
to be merely the intersection 6 of the two adjacent limbs of the two let- 
ters v, the latter v having bo-en rendered imperfect by a fracture of the 
edge of the stone. Dr. Bruce tells us that the 20th legion was ' sur- 
named Valiant and Victorious.' To this statement I venture to demur. 
Dion Cassius, in his recital of the legions under Augustus, tells us that 
the 20th legion, which was in Upper Britain, was styled Valeria. Victrix, 
and that the other legion, which was called the 20th, and which was 
quartered in Lower Germany, was never styled Valeria. From this 
statement we may conclude that the legion referred to on this altar 
ought to be styled Valeria Victrix, and not Valens Victrix. I would 
further observe that the statement of Dion Cassius is confirmed by an 
inscribed stone at Bath, on which the 20th h gion is surnamed ' Valeri- 
ana.' I know of no authority for saying that it was surnamed Valens 
Victrix Valiant and Victorious. The last line seems to be a contrac- 
tion for ' Apro et Rufo Consulibus.' This reading, however, is attended 
with a difficulty. Although the names Aper and Itufus frequently 
occur as Consular names, yet I cannot find them in conjunction, i.e. 
Consuls in the same year, either in the Fasti Consulares, or the Chron- 
icles of Eusebius or Cassidorus, or in any other list. In A.D. 207, 
we find Aper and Maximus combined as Consules Ordinarii, and the 
year was dated from them. Although history does not afford us any 
authority that I am aware of for assigning Kufus as a cognomen, or 
second name to Maximus, or for supposing Maximus to have died be- 
fore the expiration of his year of office, and Rufus to have succeeded him 
either as Consul Suffectus or Consul Honorarius yet such an event was 
by no means impossible, and this altar seems to place such a conjecture 
within the verge of probability. The consecration of this altar, there- 
fore, may have taken place in the -year 207, the year referred to in the 
Gelt inscription. This, however, is one of those mysterious questions 
the archaeology of which is unfortunately still involved in obscurity. 

" No. 4 is a rubbing of two fragments of a small altar in the crypt, 
which, when placed together, may be read thus : 

' Deo Cocidio milites Legionis secundae August, 
votum solvunt libenter merito.' To the God Coci- 
diua the soldiers of the second legion, styled 
Augusta, pay (this) vow willingly, deservedly. LEG " AVO 

V 8 I> M 

The last line is imperfect, but we have sufficient remains of the let- 
ters to show what they have originally been. The base of the altar is 
gone. I am not aware that this stone has been previously described. 

" No. 5 is a rubbing of a centurial stone which I recently found in the 
east wall of the crypt, ab ut two feet from the ground, near the south- 

5 Just as our vr appears in old books in the form of two v's interlaced. Z& 



east corner. I believe it had not been discovered before. It may be 
read thus : 

' Centuria cohortis decimse piae fidelis.' A centurion of c COH x 

the tenth cohort, styled pious, faithful. v F 

" No. 6 is a rubbing of another centurial stone, which has been walled 
into the east side of the refectory, and faces into the clergyman's gar- 
den. Being almost covered with ivy, it has escaped observation until 
discovered about two years since by the Rev. Mr. Calvert of Norwich. 
Although this and the preceding nibbing are far from good, in con- 
sequence of the roughness of the stone, yet there can be no doubt as to 
the correct reading of them, as the letters are bold, well cut, and well 
preserved. This stone may be read thus : 

Centuria Cassi Prisci.' The 
Century of Cassius Prisons. 

The centurial mark is peculiar, but very distinct on the stone. Hutchin- 
son, in his History of Cumberland, makes mention of another centurial 
stone near Birdoswald, bearing the following inscription : ' Centuria 
Cassii Prisci cohortis sextas posuit.' This stone probably commemorates 
the same person." 

An enquiry by Mr. Maughan, as to a votive vase of the Roman era, 
mentioned by Dr. Glover, in his recent work on Mineral Waters, as 
having been found in the neighbourhood of Gilsland. Dr. Bruce replied 
that possibly Dr. Glover alluded to the well known Rudge Cup, dis- 
covered a century and a half ago in Wiltshire, and, lately ascertained to 
be in the possession of the Duke of Northumberland, at Syon House, by 
descent from the Duke of Somerset. On its rim are names of Roman 
stations near Gilsland, and it was probably dedicated to the nymph of 
the Spa. 

Remarks upon Lord Ravensworth's paper on the inscriptions at Chil- 
lingham. THE REV. Du. RAINE. To be printed. Lord Ravensworth 
Bai i that the chimneypiece was not, as Wallii stated, of marble. 

TXHIBITED. Drawings by Mr. Mossman of Roman remains disco- 
vered in sewering Carlisle. THK REV. DK. BUFCE. 

Several of the above remains themselves, comprising a bronze lamp, 
fibula, hair-pins, &c. ; also various coins, amongst them a Greek medal- 
lion, and a middle brass coin of Vespasian with IVDAEA CAPTA on the 
reverse. MR. CARTMELI,, the City Treasurer of Carlisle. 

PRESENTED. An Abstract in MS. of the title of Henry Lord Ravens- 
worth to the Old Castle of Newcastle, submitted for the opinion of John 
Scott, afterwards Lord Eldon ; with his opinion accordingly, approving 
the title, dated Newcastle, Oct. 3, 1780. LORD RAVENSWORTH. 


The abstract commences with a royal grant, dated 2 July, 1736, for 
fifty years from that day, to George Liddell, Esq., of the Castle, by the 
same description as that employed in the grant of 19 Nov. 1777, to 
Henry Lord Ravensworth, with which the printed abstract of title to 
the various properties in the Castle precincts commences. The fine paid 
was 15C., and the rent was 100 chalders of good Newcastle coals deli- 
vered in the Pool of the Port of London to the Treasurer of Chelsea 
Hospital. The lessee was to repair, not only the demised premises, but 
also the Moothall and the strong building used for a gaol or prison for 
the county of Northumberland, which were excepted out of the lease. 
He was also to deliver into the office of the auditor of the county with- 
in one year, and overy seventh year during the term, a ' terrar ' and 
particular, describing the premises, with their kinds, boundaries, quan- 
tities, qualities, and rents and values. The previous leases are briefly 
mentioned, viz.: 14 Apr. 17 Jac., to Alexander Stephenson for 50 
years at 40s. rent; 13 Aug. 16 Car. II., to Charles Lord Gerrard, after- 
wards Earl of Macclesfield, for 99 years from the expiration of Steven- 
son's grant, if the said Charles Lord Gerrard, Charles Gerrard and Fit- 
ton Gerrard, his sons, or any of them should so long live; 17 June, 1 
Jac. II., to the Mayor and Burgesses of Newcastle from the expiration 
of Gerrard's grant for a further term of 31 years. The abstract a'lso 
comprises the will of George Liddell, of Hebburne, Esq., dated 21 Sep. 
1740, and recited in the grant of 1777. The abstract concludes with, 
the latter grant. 

Counterpart of Assignment of the same grant by Henry Lord Ravens- 
worth and his cestuis que trust to John Chrichloe Turner, Esq., dated 
29 Dec. 1780, and comprised in the printed abstract. LOKD RAVEXS- 

The exceptions are not set out in the printed abstract, and a nofe of 
them may be useful They are divers leases (for 21 years except where 
otherwise mentioned) from Lord Ravensworth and others of portions of 
the premises, all stated to be in the Castle Garth, the rents and rever- 
sion of which passed to Turner, viz. : (30 Nov. 1 788 6 ), To Jacob 
Russell of the Castle Garth, gent., messuages, burgnges, or tenements, 
at 4<). per annum : To Thomas Swinhoe of Newcastle, gent., messuages, 
&c., and a raffyard, 44J. : To Thomas Maddison and Luke Hardy of 
Newcastle, bricklayers, and Elizabeth Hardy, of the Castle Garth, 
widow, a messuage, &c., and messuages or toofalls and little garth, 
101. 11*. : To Win. Davison of Newcastle, minister of the Gospel, smd 
11 other persons, messuages or tenements and pieces or parcels of ground, 
Wl. 10s. : To Ann Troll of Newcastle, widow, a mess, and smith's 
shop, 51. fts. : to Jonathan "Wilson of the Castle Garth, clogg maker, a 
mess. 11. 10s. : To David Robertson of the Castle Garth, joiner, mes- 
suages, &c., Si. 10s. : To Joseph Langstaffe of Newcastle, gent., mes- 
suages, &c., 111. : To Isaac Mills of the Castle Garth, breeches maker, 

6 The dates in brackets apply to the succeeding leases until another date occurs. 


messuages and brewhouse, 151. : To James Simpson of Newcastle, 
breeches maker, messuages, &c., 121. 10s. : To James Anderson of New- 
castle, peruke maker, and Ann Hill of Benwell, widow, a mess., 51. : 
To Edward Avison of Newcastle, gent., messuages, &c., 361. : To Jas- 

Bjr Harrison of Newcastle, gent., messuages, &c., \QL, assigned 29 
ec. 1779, to John Fife of Newcastle, stay maker: (1 Oct. 1778), To 
Catherine Wilson, of the Castle Garth, widow, messuages, &c., 321. : 
(29 Nov. 1771), To Thomas Gillman, of Newcastle, innkeeper, mes- 
suages, &c., 10J., surrendered 30 Nov. 1778, by Thomas Maddison of 
Newcastle, bricklayer, to Henry Lord Ravensworth, and demised by him 
the same day to the said Maddison, 101. : (1 Aug. 1776), To the Rev. 
Edward Aitkin, of Newcastle, minister of the Gospel, a messuage, 20 
years, 51. : (30 Nov. 1778), To Catherine Aitkin, of Newcastle, widow, 
the same premises for 13f years from 12 May, 1786, at Si. : (29 Nov. 
1771), To Henry Towns, peruke maker, "William Harper, yeoman, and 
George Bell, cordwainer, all of Newcastle, a mess., 14 years, 41. 10s. : 
(30 Nov. 1778), To the said Bell and Eleanor Harper of Newcastle, 
widow, the same premises, for 14| years from Lammas Day, 1785, 51. : 
To Jonathan Wilson of the Castle Garth, clog maker, messuages, &c., 
181. for the first 7 years, and 281. for the remainder of the term of 21 
years: To the said Jonathan Wilson, other messuages, &c., 21. Us. for 
the first 7 years, and 8/. during the remainder of the term : To Wil- 
liam Leighton of the Castle Garth, shoe maker, a messuage, burgage, or 
tenement, room and cellar, 8/. 18s. 6d. for the first 7 years, and 18/. 
for the remainder of the term: To Sarah Scotland, of the Castle Garth, 
widow, executrix of George Scotland, deceased, messuages, &c., 15/. 
for the first 7 years, and 22/. for the remainder of the term : To James 
King, of Newcastle, gent., messuages, &c., IQl. 10s. for the first 7 years, 
and 151. for the remainder of the term : To Frances Perrot, of New- 
castle, widow, messuages, &c., 30/. for the first 6| years, and 311. for 
the remainder of the term : (1 Mar. 1766), To David Croll, of New- 
castle, smith, a messuage, &c., 20 years, 11. : (30 Nov. 1778), To the 
said Jonathan Wilson, the same premises, 14 years from Candlemas 
Day, 1786, 141.: (8 Dec. 1768), To John White, of Newcastle, printer, 
a messuage, &c., and certain parcels of ground, 14 years, from 2 Feb. 
1772, 151. : (30 Nov. 1778), To Jonathan Wilson, the ssme premises 
for 14 years from Candlemas Day, 1786, 26/. 

A large cannon ball discovered in the town- wall of Newcastle, on its 
north face, during the erection of the Unitarian Chapel in New Bridge 
Street. ME. CAIL. 

Two smaller balls, discovered in constructing the Auckland Branch 
of the North Eastern Railway, and, by a coincidence, near the field of 
Nevil's Cross. MR. CAIL. 

Numismatic and other Crumbs, by Richard Sainthill of Topsham, 

Historical description of altar piece painted in the reign of James III. 
of Scotland, by David Laing, F.S.A.S. THE AUTHOE. 


Notes on the History of S. Begu and S. Hild, and on some relics of 
antiquity discovered in the sites of the religious establishments founded 
by them, by the Kev. D. Haigh. THE AUTHOR. 

Archa3ologia Scotica, or Transactions of the Society of Antiquaries 
of Scotland, Vol. HI., Part IV. THE SOCIETY. 

Dissertatio de Monumentis quibusdam Romanis in Boreali Magnse 
Britannise detectis anno M.DCCC.XXXI. THE SOCIETY or ANTIQUARIES OP 

RESOLVED. That the practice of reprinting from the Gfateshead 
Observer its reports of the Society's meetings be discontinued. 

Monthly Meeting, 3 March, 1858. 
John Hodgson Hinde, V.P., in the Chair. 

READ. On Pipes and Pipe Music. By MR. J. CLEREVAULX FENWICK. 
To be printed. Mr. Reed of North Shields played several airs upon 
the Northumbrian pipes after the paper. Mr. "White remarked that 
Jamie Allan the piper, when he came to an equivocal word in his vocal 
accompaniment to his pipes, arrested his tongue, and threw the re- 
sponsibility of uttering it upon the pipes. The bagpipes were peculiarly 
Scottish, but the instrument was formerly used in the southern part of 
the island, being mentioned by Drayton. Chaucer has a piper among; 
his Canterbury pilgrims. Dr. Bruce referred to the occurrence of the 
pipes in a sculptured relic at Corbridge, a Roman site. 

EXHIBITED. A series of drawings of bosses in Hexham Abbey. MR. 

An early ring, found near Hexham. MR. F AIRLESS, 

A decade or Bethlehem ring, inscribed I.H.S., discovered in the posses- 
sion of a lady at Hexham. MR. FAIRLESS. 

Mr. Fairlcss drew attention to the discovery of a Roman capital at 
Corbridge by Mr. Green of Hillbank. 

PRESENTED. A panel from Jarrow church, composed of Baltic fir. 
MR. JOHN ARMSTRONG of South Shields. 

Memoires de la Societe Imperiale d'Emulation d' Abbeville. THE 

Antiquites Celtiques et Antediluvienne, by M. Bourcher de Perthes. 

The Canadian Journal of Industry and Science. THE CANADIAN 


The Transactions of the Kilkenny Archaeological Society. THE 

Buck's Views of Castles, &c., in the English counties. LORD RAVENS- 

An inscribed Roman stone, formerly on the premises of Messrs. Mit- 
chell, printers, in St. Nicholas' Church Yard, Newcastle, exhibiting 
three females sitting under semicircular arches. Below them is the in- 

ROUTLEDGE, Builder. 

RESOLYED. That Mr. Fenwick be requested to communicate with 
the owners of Chesterholme, as to the propriety of securing the Roman 
remains gathered thither by the late Rev. A. Hedley from decay by 
exposure, either by confiding them to the care of the Society, or 

That application be made to the Vicar of Bellingham for certain 
Roman remains now at that place. [Request granted.] 

That a proposal be made to the Corporation of Newcastle, through 
Mr. Clayton, for the performance of the duties of Warden of the Castle, 
by the Society, without charge ; the last Warden having recently died. 

That the Dean and Chapter of Carlisle be respectfully requested to 
take measures for the preservation of the Danish inscription in their 
cathedral, as it is but a foot from the ground. Dr. Charlton, having 
personally inspected the Runes, stated that their signification is " Tolfihn 
made these marks on this stone." 

ELECTED. Mr. John Armstrong of South Shields as an ordinary 

Monthly Meeting, 7 April, 1858. 
John Hodgson Hinde, Esq., V.P., in the Chair. 

READ. A letter thanking the Society for its suggestion as to the 
Danish inscription in Carlisle Cathedral, and stating that instructions 
had been given for its preservation. THE DEAN OF CARLISLE. 

A letter acknowledging the receipt of the Society's Illustrated Cata- 
logue of their Roman remains, and suggesting that relics of antediluvian 
art might be found in the geological formations near Newcastle. M. 



Notices of operations in that portion of the Roman station at Benwell 
which is north of the turnpike road during the formation of a reservoir 
by the Whittle Dean Water Company. DB. BBTCE. 

About a century ago the place was trenched for planting, and some- 
where about forty years ago the trees were levelled and the ground was 
brought into tillage. The present excavations seem to confirm Mr. 
Shafto's plan, published in Brand's Newcastle. The northern wall, 
contrary to the analogy of other stations per lineam valli, seems to have 
been correctly laid down as further from the eastern gateway than the 
southern. Roots of buildings have been found in the whole of the area, 
and where Mr. Shafto places " the appearance of a gateway" several 
large stones, such as were used in the construction of gateways, have oc- 
curred. The northern embankment of the reservoir nearly corresponds 
with the north rampart of Condercum. Between the supposed north 
gateway and the north-east corner of the station, what seemed to be 
two drains leading from the station were cut in upon. The ground here 
slopes to the north. One of these drains has been traced as far river- 
ward as the excavations go, lying immediately under the made soil. It 
has a flat stone for its base, two uprights for its sides, and another flat 
stone for a covering. The buildings in the interior of the station seem 
to have been placed upon the clay without being deeply imbedded in it. 
The walls of only one building have been found standing, apparently 
later Roman, and without the eastern rampart, and if so, the only in- 
stance Dr. Bruce is acquainted with of one being so placed north of the 
Great Wall. Its foundation stones were laid upon puddled clay. On the 
flagged floor was a mass of wood ashes, the remains probably of internal 
fittings. A second flooring appeared upon this debris, and it again was 
covered with a layer of ashes an additional memento of the Caledonian 
onslaught. The usual kinds cf pottery were foimd, with coins of 
Hadrian, Marcus Aurelius, his daughter Lucilla, Faustina wife of An- 
toninus Pius, and perhaps of other dates. 

Dr. Bruce alluded to what "seemed to be a well" in the eyes of Mr. 
Shafto and others. It is a coal shaft, 7J feet in diameter, and lined for 
a few yards down with stones borrowed from the Wall. The coal- 
workings to which it led are probably of considerable antiquity, though 
not Roman. Others, now discovered, and still ruder, might possibly be 
Roman. Horsley speaks of a Benwell tradition of coal-workings in the 
locality esteemed to be Roman. 

Extracts from the early books of the Newcastle Custom House, with 
the sight of which Mr. Kell and Mr. Longstaffe had been favoured by 
Mr. Whitney, chief clerk of customs at the port, previous to their re- 
moval to the Museum of Curiosities of the Customs in London. MR. 

The records in question commence in 1663, and comprise Newcastle, 
and the creeks of Sauderland, Hartlepool, Blyth, Stockton and Whitby. 


Prom Sunderland, Hartlepool, and Blyth, there was frequently little or 
nothing exported. From Newcastle to London went numerous cases of 
glass, hogsheads of shurfe or shruffe of 700 and 1000 weight, woollen 
stockings, dyeing corke, glover's shreeds, and skins. The following are 
extracts taken much at random : 

" 1664. 6 peeces of Canterbury silks and stuffs, two bags, each con- 
taining 100^'. : one fardell of seaventy dogs skins. 1664. 2 horse 
packs of hairy webs : 1 pack and 2 tras q* 17 fox skins, 18 fitches, 8 
deere, 100 calves, 197 goates, 18 doz. rabbettes, 12 doz. haires, 8 doz. 
dogs, 1 doz. cattes, 40 doz. moles, 38 pounds w* wollen thrums, val. 20 
pounds. 1664. 5 hogshead dying cork : 1 bundle of Flanders cloth q' 
56 yds. 1664. 2 casks of old shurfe q' 1000 weight. 1665. 6 caskes 
and 2 matts q k 5600 rabbett skins : 22 dozen of fitch skins : 70 catt 
skins : 99 fox skins : 13 otter skins : 170 dog skins : 105 Ib. wt. of bees 
wax. 1675. 13 p s black callicoes : 14 p 9 Engl. huswives cloth : 2 rem- 
nants here downe cloth : 20 p 8 Scotch cloth : 1 p" prunella : 19 callicoe 
petticoates, 4 goate skins: 1 caske q* 4 hundred lamb skins : 100 dogg 
skins : 200 conny skins : 2 p' lynen cloth : 3 p 8 pladden : 6 fox and 2 
doz. fitches skins : 1 pack q* 200 goat skins ; and 3 caske q* 1 tonn of 
tallow : 4 casks more q' 28 cwt. tallow. 1675. 4 tuns tallow: 1 box 
drugs : 80 pound w* maidens haire. 

We have mention of " Northern kearses." Among the imports are 
great numbers of Flanders drinking glasses, " caggs of sturgion," Nor- 
way deales and capravens. These capravens were exported with bricks, 
tiles, and spars and laths, to Holy Island, Stockton, &c. Tobacco pipes 
and butter were sent to Berwick ; salt to Hull, Lynn, and the eastern 
coast, a state of things reversed in our own days. Besides the great ex- 
ports from Newcastle, coals were exported from Hartlepool, Stockton, 
Whitby, and Blyth. Some of the names of ships are curious for their 
heraldry, such as the Hart of Hartlepool, and the Pelican Lumiey 
of Scarborough ; others for their amusing character, as the Abraham's 
Offering of Copenhagen, the Love's Increase of Lynn, and the Willing 
Seth of Lynn. 

On the original site and progressive extension of Newcastle-upon- 
Tyne, with an estimate of its population in various periods. To be 
printed. THE CHAIRMAN. 

EXHIBITED. Several objects of Roman date discovered at Benwell. 

Drawings and plans of the old coal- workings at Benwell, by Mr. 
Mossrnan. DR. BRUCE. 

Drawings by Mr. Adam Matheson, Curator of the Jedburgh Museum, 
of the following objects : An ancient bronze " cail-pot," of the usual 


form, found near the Reedswire. A. small unbaked urn, of a dark 
coarse incoherent clay, found at the east side of the Watling Street, 
with the bottom upward. Several of the same kind were crumbled 
down beside it. It is covered with herring-bone indentations, two lines 
of them being placed on ridge-like projections. Another, and still 
smaller urn, of depressed form, found in the same position, and at the 
same locality, without the ridges, is ornamented like the former. 
This urn has been baked, and is formed of green pipe-clay, such as over- 
lies peat. In the centre of the place where it was found was a consider- 
able hole, filled with charred bones, wood, and ashes. Mr. WHITE. 

A vase discovered in 1856 in the field on the south-east margin of the 
Eoman station of Magna (Caervoran). It was covered by a thin flat 
stone, and contained a few fragments of calcined bones. No barrow 
was then observable. The vase is scored with intersecting lines, and is 
of " smother-kiln-ware," coloured by the confined fumes of the kiln. It 
is slightly bulged in at one or two places, the mouth is oval, and the 
general form bent to one side. There is abundance of clay of all kinds 
near Magna, and Mr. Way suggests that such a "flawed" vessel cannot 
have been imported from a distant locality. ME. ROBEET TEASDALE, of 

A glazed tile from Tangier Castle, Barbary, bearing an Arabic inscrip- 

PEESENTED. Kemble's Codex Diplomaticus jEvi Saxonici, 6 vols. 

Collections made by the late John Sykes on the followings subjects : 
The Duke of York's Death ; Coronation Proceedings ; the Shields 
Suspension Bridge ; Wellington's Yisit to Newcastle ; and Balloon 
Ascents from Newcastle : 5 vols. THE CHAIEMAN. 

A lease dated 19 March, 1745, from the Rev. Robert Thomlinson, 
D.D., and Rector of Whickham, George Gray of Newcastle, Esq., and 
William Ellison of the same place, Esq. and Alderman, executors and 
devisees of Anne Davison, late of Newcastle, widow, deceased ; to Richard 
Clutterbuck of Warkworth, gent., son and heir and also executor of 
John Clutterbuck, late of Newcastle, gent., deceased. The signature of 
the donor of the Thomlinson Library is " R. Rhomlinson." ME.FENWICK. 

Hoare's Ancient Wiltshire, 2 vols. SIE WALTEE CALVEELET: TEE- 

Petition to the Lords, dated 1 Jan. .1858, by "George Henry de 
Strabolgie Neville Plantagenet Harrison, a General Officer in the 
armies of Peru, Uruguay, Corrientes, Denmark, and the Germanic Con- 



federation, &c., &c., &c." The prayer is for summons to Parliament as 
Duke of Lancaster, " with place and precedence as Prince dejure, of the 
legitimate Blood Royal of England, next after the eldest son and heir- 
apparent of the Sovereign de facto ;" for restoration of all the hereditary 
estates, royalties, and franchises belonging to the Duchy of Lancaster, 
and all the hereditary estates and honours robbed and plundered " dur- 
ing the usurpation of Elizabeth Tudor, commonly called Queen Eliza- 
beth," from Charles Neville, 6th Earl of "Westmoreland, and Thomas 
Percy, 7th Earl of Northumberland; and for protection from future 
interference by her Majesty's ministers and ambassadors with the mili- 
tary proceedings of the Petitioner, whereby in times past he has been 
deprived of great military command and reward. GENEEAL HAEEISON. 
Referring the . reader to the account of the Duchy of Lancaster in. 
Camden's Britannia, for a brief view of the acts of Henry IV., Henry 
V., Edward IV., and Henry VII., respecting the estates, and to Sir 
Harris Nicholas' Synopsis, tit. Dukedoms, for the general nature of the 
title, we give the allegations of this strange petition in a tabular form. 
However iLUgrounded, they constitute a most curious addition to the 
many romantic claims which have been urged to the titles and estates 
of the North. "We refrain from the comments which will readily suggest 
themselves to the historian, the lawyer, and the genealogist. 

Henry Plantagenet, Duke of Lancaster. 

Blanche Plantagenet, daughter and heiress, seized of the Duchy of Lancaster 
in her own right, as Duchess of Lancaster, married John of Gant, son of 
King Edward III., who became Duke of Lancaster, jure oxoris. 

Henry Plantagenet, succeeded his father as 
Duke of Lancaster ; and being heir male to 
his cousin King Richard II., as likewise (in 
right of his mother) heir of the blood of King 
Henry III., and of William I., he ascended 
the throne, dejure, as Henry IV. In the 1st 
year of his reign an act was passed by Par- 
liament, ordaining that the said duchy and 
all his hereditary estates, with their royalties 
and franchises, should remain to the said 
King Henry IV. and his right heirs for ever, 
and should descend, be administered and go- 
verned, in like manner, aa if he had never 
attained the royal dignity. 

Henry V., son and heir, seized of the duchy, 
as by law ordained, as aforesaid. 

Elizabeth Plantagenet, married John 
Holland, Duke of Exeter, uterine 
brother to Richard II., and son 
of Joan Plantagenet, Countess of 
Kent, commonly called " The Fair 
Maid of Kent," heiress of the 
blood of Llewellyn the Great, last 
legitimate Prince of "Wales. 

John Holland, Duke of Exeter, son 
and heir. 



Henry VI., son and heir, seized of the duchy 
as aforesaid ; died without any surviving le- 
gitimate issue; whereupon all the issue of 
the blood of King Henry IV. hecame and was 
extinct and ended, and the said duchy, to- 
gether with all the hereditary estates, with 
the royalties and franchises thereto appertain- 
ing and belonging, became, de jure, vested in 
the right heir of the blood of King Henry VI. 


Henry Anne Holland, sister 
Holland, and heiress, married 
s.andh., Sir John Neville of 
d. s. p. Raby Castle, knight, 

great - grandson and 
coheir of the said Joan Plantagenet, 
the Fair Maid of Kent, and heir of 
the Dukes of Britanny and Earls 
of Richmond. 

*** Upon the death of Henry VI. the 
duchy was usurped by King Edward IV., and 
subsequently by King Richard III., both of 
whom died without leaving any legitimate 

Upon the death of Richard III. the duchy 
and all the hereditary estates, with their royal- 
ties and franchises, were usurped by one Hen- 
ry Tudor, the son of Margaret Beaufort, d. 
and h. of John Beaufort, s. of John Beaufort, 
who was a bastard son of John of Gaunt: 
which said Henry Tudor had likewise usurped 
the throne, and called himself Henry VII. 

Ralph Neville, 3rd Earl of West- 
moreland, s. and h., heir dejure of 
the whole blood of King Henry 
VI., and heir dejure to the duchy 
of Lancaster, &c , according to the 
statute of 1 Hen. IV. 

Ralph Lord Neville, son and heir. 

Ralph Neville, 4th Earl of "West- 

Henry Neville, 5th Earl of Westmoreland, married Ann, dau. of Thomas Manners, 
Earl of Rutland, grandson of Ann Plantagenet sister to King Edward IV. and King 
Richard III. 

Charles Neville, 6th Earl of Westmoreland. 

Margaret Neville, eldest coheiress, married Nichol- 
as Pudsey of Barham House, co. York, esq. 

Margaret Pudsey, sole heiress, married John Mar- 
ley of Eppleby, co. York, Esq. 

John Marley, of Barham House and Eppleby, 
Esq., s. & h., mar. Elizabeth, d. & h. of John Coup- 
land, of Langdale, co. York, Esq., by Elizabeth 
his wife, dau. of Sir Wm. Neville, of Chebsey, 
knt., and Elizabeth his wife, dau. of Henry Lord 
Stafford and Ursula his wife, dau. of Margaret 
Plantagenet, Countess of Salisbury, sister and 
heiress to Edward Plantagenet, Earl of Warwick, 
dau. of George Plantagenet, Duke of Clarence. 

Anne Neville, youngest co-heir- 
ess, married David Ingleby, of 
Ripley, co. York, Esq. 

Ursula Ingleby, coheiress of her 
mother, married Robert Wid- 
drington of Widdrington, co. 
Northumberland, Esq. 

Margaret Widdrington, sole heir- 
ess, married Francis Woodruffe 
of Woolley, co. York, Esq., son 
and heir of Eichard Woodruffe 
and Elizabeth Percy his wife, 
eldest dau. and coheiress of Tho- 
mas Percy, Tth Earl of North- 

Peter Marley of Barham House, Eppleby, and =F Margaret Woodruffe, sole heir- 

Langdale, son and heir 



John Marley of Eppleby and Langdale, son and heir, married Margaret, sister and 
heiress to Richard Holmes, of Stub House, co. Durham, Esq. 

Peter Marley, Mary Marley, sister and heiress, married Cornelius Harrison, Fel- 
son and heir, low of Pembroke College, Cambridge, great-grandson and heir of 

died a. p. Sir Richard Harrison of Hurst, co. Berks, knt., heir male of the 

blood of King Canute the Great ; and heir lineal of all the Anglo- 
Saxon Kings of England, and of all the legitimate Kings of Scotland ; as likewise 
8th in descent from Isabel Plantagenet, daughter of Richard Plantagenet, Duke of 
York, and Ann his wife, Duchess of Clarence and Countess of Ulster and March ; 
and 9th in descent from Ann Plantagenet, dau. and h. of Thomas Vlantagenet, Duke 
of Gloucester, youngest son of King Edward III. ; as likewise one of the coheirs of 
Thomas Mow bray, Duke of Norfolk, of James, 9th and last Earl of Douglas, and of 
David de Strabolgie, 13th and last Earl of Athol. 

Cornelius Harrison of Stub House, Esq., son and heir. 
Marley Harrison of Whashton, co. York, Esq., son and heir. 

Francis Harrison, son and heir, sold his birthright to petitioner, THE PETITIONER, 
and abdicated all his right of primogeniture, with all the 2nd son. 

royalties, franchises, estates, titles, and honours, thereto ap- 
pertaining, in favour, and for the exclusive benefit, of petitioner, whereby petitioner 
became Duke of Lancaster, dejure, by and in virtue of the lineage and circumstances 
herein set forth. 



THE great extent of the present town of Newcastle makes it an object 
of some curiosity to determine the precise spot on which its first founda- 
tions were laid, and to trace the gradual extension of its limits. In 
pursuing this inquiry, we are naturally inclined to seek information 
from our early chorographer, Grey, who flourished two centuries before 
our own time, and has preserved many popular traditions which would 
otherwise have long since been consigned to oblivion. On this part of 
his subject, however, Grey's testimony must be received with extreme 
caution, as it is founded, not only on a very exaggerated conception of 
the early importance of Monkchester, but on the assumption entirely 
unwarranted that the mediaeval religious establishments of Newcastle 
owed their existence to the pious liberality of Anglo-Saxon founders, and 
had survived the convulsions of the two centuries which preceded the 
Norman Conquest. Under the impression that the religious houses in 
" the upper and west part " of the town had flourished from a period long 
anterior to the erection of the castle, he naturally infers that in this part 
the nucleus of the Newcastle of his own day was to be sought. To this 
quarter especially he confines the name of " Monkchester," which he 
tells us " was before the Conquest a place wholly dedicated to devotion 
and religion." In opposition to this view, we have the grave testimony 
of Symeon of Durham and of the biographer of St. Oswin. The latter 
describes Monkchester as so poor a place in the reign of William the 
Conqueror, that when that monarch was compelled to halt there on his 
return from his Scottish expedition in 1072, the royal army might have 
perished by famine but for the opportune proximity of the storehouses 
of the monastery of Tynemouth. A nearly similar account is given by 
the same writer of the state of Newcastle in the following reign, some 
years after the erection of the castle. Symeon, again, informs us that 
when Aldwin, afterwards Prior of Durham, visited Monkchester in 1074, 
not a religious person of either sex existed within its precincts. There 


can be no doubt that the limits of the Roman station in the Castle 
Garth were sufficiently extensive for the Saxon population of Monk- 
chester, and that the area which was afterwards occupied by religious 
establishments formed, even after the Conqueror's time, a portion of the 
open country, of the cultivation of which we do not receive a very fa- 
vourable impression from the legend of St. Oswin. During his sojourn 
here, it is probable that William was struck by the commanding posi- 
tion of the site on the banks of a great river, and the facilities which 
were afforded for erecting a fortress to protect the neighbourhood from 
the repeated aggressions of the Scots. In 1080 King Malcolm again in- 
vaded England, laying waste the entire country to the Tyne. The 
English king despatched an army into Scotland, under the command of 
his eldest son Robert ; and although that prince was unable efficiently 
to avenge the outrage which had been committed, he provided as far as 
possible against its recurrence, by the erection of a castle on the site of 
his father's previous encampment. Such was the origin of Newcastle- 

During the remainder of this reign, and the first years of "William 
Rufus, Northumberland was under the government of Earls, who were 
nearly independent of the Crown. Under them Newcastle was regarded 
merely as a fortress, the official residence being at Bamburgh, whilst 
Robert de Mowbray, the last of the series (and probably some of his pre- 
decessors), had a castle of his own at Tynemouth. On the rebellion of 
this nobleman in 1095, and his capture and imprisonment, William took 
the county into his own hands, and seems to have conceived the idea of 
establishing at Newcastle, not merely a military post, but a great com- 
mercial emporium. Of his proceedings here, after the reduction of the 
castle, we have, indeed, no particulars from any contemporary historian ; 
but there is no reason to doubt that the testimony of the metrical chro- 
nicle of Hardyng is in its main features correct. 

" He builded the Newcastle upon Tyne 
The Scottes to gainstand, and to defend 
And dwell therein. The people to incline 
The town to build, and wall as did append, 
He gave them ground and gold full great to spend ; 
To build it well, and wall it all about ; 
And franchised them to pay a free rent out." 

These lines refer to the building of the town, and not of the castle of 
Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and are quite consistent with the account already 
given of the erection of the latter fifteen years previous. 


The church of St. Nicholas is said to have been consecrated by 
Osmund Bishop of Salisbury, A.D. 1091 ; and, although the statement 
is not supported by any very conclusive authority, it is highly probable 
that a church, on the site of the existing structure, was erected for the 
use of the garrison and casual population before the establishment of the 
borough. Indeed, if the site had not been devoted thus early to re- 
ligious purposes, it is certain that it could not afterwards have been ob- 
tained, as it presented of all others the most favourable situation for the 
dwellings of the burgesses, with which it would quickly have been 

The peculiar configuration of the ground occupied by the castle and 
the church suggests to us, with tolerable precision, the position in which 
the houses of the new town must of necessity have been disposed. The 
base of the steep banks to the south and east, previous to the embank- 
ment of the low ground on which the Close now stands, and the silting- 
up of the estuary of the Lort Bum in the line of the Sandhill and Dean- 
street, was undoubtedly washed by the tide at high water; and though 
the Side must have existed as a thoroughfare to the river and the bridge, 
few sites for building could be obtained there without an amount of la- 
bour for which there was no adequ ate inducement. The limited area 
between the church and the castle would no doubt be first occupied ; 
after which, the increasing population had the choice of accommodation 
either to the north or the west. The northern district, however, as we 
shall presently see, was not built upon till a later period, leaving the 
plot of ground to the west of the castle, occupied by the present Bailey- 
gate, the only site on which the further extension of the town at this 
period could have been effected. Here, indeed, we have distinct evi- 
dence that houses were thickly clustered ; for when, in the reign of 
King John, the fortifications of the castle were strengthened by the ex- 
cavation of a moat on this side, space could only be found for this new 
work by the removal of many of the old burgage tenements. The pre- 
cise western limits of the town in the reign of William Rufus were 
probably identical with the line which still separates the western 
boundary of the ancient parish of St. Nicholas from that of St. John. 
From the tower of St. Nicholas, this boundary line passes along the 
Head of the Side, and down King-street, thence by Baileygate to 'West- 
gate-street, and so to the brink of the river at the Tuthill-stairs. 

In the reign of Henry I., the town of Newcastle derived additional 
importance from a source to which her earlier historians have erroneously 
referred her origin the introduction of monastic establishments. The 
author of the Scala Chronica, as cited by Lelancl, would have us believe 


that a nunnery already existed here in the year 1086, in which Agatha 
and Christina, the mother and sister of Edgar Atheling and of Mar- 
garet Queen of Scotland, took the veil. We know, however, on the 
venerable authority of the Saxon Chronicle, that Roinsey, and not 
Newcastle, was the place of Christina's profession. Under Henry I. 
there certainly existed two religious foundations, the hospital of St. 
Mary and the nunnery of St. Bartholomew, to both of which David 
King of Scotland was a benefactor in the reign of Stephen. That he 
was not the original founder of either is obvious from this circumstance, 
that the grants made by him in Newcastle and other parts of North- 
umberland were all revoked by Henry II., and among them his bene- 
factions to the brethren of the hospital and the nuns of St. Bartholomew ; 
but still the original foundations remained intact. Amongst Dods- 
worth's papers in the Bodleian Library is one which ascribes the en- 
dowment of the nunnery to a member of the ancient family of Hilton. 
Speed attributes it to Henry I. The original founder of the hospital is 
nowhere stated ; but towards the close of the reign of Henry II., the 
house of the brethren, which was situated in the immediate vicinity of 
the nunnery, was removed to the Westgate, and their ancient domicile 
was given to the nuns. This addition to their domain, as well as their 
original church of St. Bartholomew, were confirmed to them by the 
Crown. This seems the true explanation of the confirmation charter, 
which has somewhat perplexed Brand. That able writer supposes the 
hospital itself to have been granted to the nuns as a cell, and not merely 
its abandoned site. 

The upper town, which Grey refers to a much earlier period, seems 
to have originated in connection with these religious establishments. 
"In the upper parts," he says, "about Newgate, are many old houses 
and cottages, which served the religious houses with provisions. This 
part of the town is called to this day The Hucksters' Booths. These 
people in those days had their livelihood from those friars and nuns that 
lived at that time." In the reign of Stephen, when Northumberland, 
instead of being exposed to the hostile incursions of the Scots, was un- 
der the immediate government and protection of a Scotch prince, it was 
no longer necessary to seek safety under the walls of the castle ; and the 
hucksters established, not only their booths and stalls, but their resi- 
dences in this monastic suburb. 

To David King of Scotland is generally ascribed the erection of the 
church of St. Andrew> the architecture of which is certainly of this 
period. Its dedication to the patron saint of that nation adds con- 
sistency to the statement. 


The grounds of these religious houses, with the contiguous street of 
Newgate, extended from the present town walls to the Upper Dene 
Bridge, between which and the old town was a piece of open ground on 
which the Cloth-market was afterwards built. This seems to have been 
the land which was bestowed in two portions on the nunnery and the 
hospital by King David, and which was resumed by the English Crown 
in the 12th of Henry II. 

"When the moat was formed round the castle in the reign of King 
John, and it was necessary to remove the houses which occupied the 
site, the land which had been taken from the nuns and the brethren of 
the hospital was given to the burgesses in compensation, and as a site 
for new residences. At this very time we find from the traditions 
preserved by Grey that the Cloth-market was built; and we cannot 
resist the inference that it stood on the site of David's grant. Having 
recorded John's concession of the charter by which the guild of Mer- 
chants of Newcastle was established, he adds, " After this grant, this 
town flourished in trading, and builded many fair houses in the Flesh 
Market, then called the Cloth Market." By the erection of this street, 
the burgesses connected the church of St. Nicholas and the old town 
with the suburb of Newgate and the chapelry of St. Andrew. 

We have already, noticed the removal of the hospital of St. Mary from 
its original position, near the nunnery of St. Bartholomew, to a new 
site at the Westgate, in the reign of Henry II. Here a house was 
built, with extensive grounds, for the residence of the brethren, by 
Aselack of Killinghow, the second founder. There can be no doubt that 
this site was beyond the ancient limits of the town ; but building and 
population gradually advanced in this direction also ; and, before the 
close of the next century, it was found necessary to erect a third 
church, that of St. John, for the accommodation of the inhabitants of 
this quarter. Not only was "Westgate-street thus formed, but the in- 
termediate vacant space towards Newgate-street was appropriated to a 
convent of Black Friars, whilst another religious body, the Friars of the 
Sac, had a strip of land assigned to them stretching between the 
western limits of the parish of St. Nicholas and the present town walls, 
to the brink of the river. 

In the meantime, a new suburb was growing up to the east of the Lort 
Burn, which formed the nucleus of the parish of All Saints. "We have 
evidence of the existence of that church in 1286 ; and about the same 
time we read of " Yicus Peregrinorum," the modern Pilgrim -street. At 
the head of this street was situated a house of Grey Friars ; but the general 
population was probably confined to its lower extremity, in the neigh- 


bourhood of the new church. In the intermediate space an avenue 
branched off to the east, afterwards known as the Manor-chare, at the 
end of which was the convent of Augustine Friars, then also recently 
erected. Pilgrim-street was connected with the old town by Allhallows- 
lane, the Butcher-bank of the present day; from the foot of which, the 
communication with the Side and Sandhill was doubtless maintained by 
a ford passable at low water, as we have no record of a bridge across the 
burn in that direction. 

The Sandhill itself was as yet unreclaimed from the river ; but it 
is probable that a causeway had been formed round its margin, affording 
access at all times of tide from the foot of the Side to the bridge across 
the Tyne. The bridge itself was doubtless coeval with the castle. It 
certainly had no existence in 1072, beyond perhaps the ruined piers of 
the old structure, which gave its name to the Banian station of Pons 
^Elii. The want of some communication across the river, less precarious 
than the neighbouring fords, was sensibly felt by King "William at the 
above date ; and the inconvenience had been remedied, as we learn from 
the author of St. Oswin's life, before the period at which he wrote ; 
and, although he does not inform us of the date of the erection, the 
bridge and castle were so naturally parts of the same plan, that we may 
safely assume they were executed simultaneously. 

"Within two centuries from the erection of the borough, three chapel- 
ries had been added to the original parish of St. Nicholas, and the three 
leading thoroughfares of Newgate- street, "Westgate-street, and Pilgrim- 
street, had been formed. High Friar-chare and Low Friar-chare 
afforded communications between these streets and access to the reli- 
gious houses after which they were named ; although it was probably 
at a much later period that these chares were environed by houses, and 
became streets in the modern acceptation of the term. 

Beyond the eastern suburb lay the ancient ville of Pandon, with 
which it is probable a direct communication already existed by means 
of the Dog-bank and Silver -street then, perhaps, rural lanes redolent 
with the perfumes of the honeysuckle and the briar, whilst the Stock- 
bridge if it existed at all was but a log or stock thrown across the 
stream to enable the foot-passenger to pass dryshod. The burgesses of 
Newcastle, however, had cast a longing eye in this direction aware, 
no doubt, of the commercial advantages of the situation, and also of the 
defensible formation of the hill of the "Wallknoll, by which it is bounded 
on the east. At this time they were engaged in surrounding their town 
with a mural defence, the magnificence of which has excited the enco- 
miums of Leland and others in comparison with other fortified towns, as 


well in England as in all parts of Europe, and even of Asia. Anxious 
to include Pandon within their defences, they opened a negotiation with 
the lord of Byker, to which manor Pandon was then appurtenant, and 
succeeded in effecting a purchase for the completion of which, and the 
union of their new aquisition with Newcastle, they obtained a license 
from the Crown in the last year of the thirteenth century. Pandon at 
this time, besides a small trading and fishing community, contained a 
convent of White Friars on the Wallknoll, whose house was afterwards 
removed to the site occupied by the Friars of the Sac, near the foot of 
"Westgate-street, on the decay of that establishment. 

Leland cites Hardyng's statement that " "William Rufus builded the 
Newcastle upon Tyne, and caused the town to be walled." But he 
adds, " This is clean false as concerning the town wall." Leland him- 
self tells us that the walls were commenced to be built in the reign of 
Edward I. by a wealthy merchant, who was taken by the Scots out of 
the midst of the town, and carried away a prisoner ; that they were 
continued by contributions from the inhabitants ; and finally completed 
in the reign of Edward III. We have, however, higher authority 
than Hardyng's for asserting that Newcastle was a walled town prior to 
the reign of Edward I. In a charter of King John express referrence 
is made to the town walls ; and there is no reason to doubt that they 
existed in the time of William Eufus. But we must take care not to 
confound the old walls with those more extended defences which were 
undoubtedly commenced under Edward I. The old walls were naturally 
adapted to the circuit of the ancient borough. To the north, immedi- 
ately beyond St. Nicholas' church, it is probable that the burgesses 
would find the wall of Hadrian still standing, and only requiring occa- 
sional repairs. From the Head of the Side to the Tuthill-stairs, in the 
line along which we have already traced the boundary of the borough, 
it would be necessary to erect a new wall ; but even here the old Roman 
ramparts would supply abundance of materials ready fashioned to their 
hands ; and it was probably a portion of this wall of Roman stones, 
but not of Roman erection which was discovered in 1852-3 underneath 
the surface, crossing Collingwood-street in a direction which discon- 
certed the preconceived ideas of antiquaries as to the true course of 
the Roman fortifications. 1 

1 Mr. Ventress has favoured us with notes of his observations to the following effect : 
On May 17, 1852, the labourers of the Water Company, in laying down pipes in the 
centre of Collingwood-street, at 92 feet from its east end, came upon a piece of 
Koman wall at right angles to the street, and 2 feet 1 1 inches in thickness. At 50 
feet nearer to the east end of the same street another Boman wall, 6 feet 6 inches 


For some years the monastic buildings were the only erections beyond 
the limits of the original fortifications ; and it is probable that these 
were held sacred by the Scots, even after the renewal of hostilities in 
the reign of Henry II. When, however, the shops and the houses of 
the merchants were extended from the church of St. Nicholas to New- 
gate-street, they were naturally exposed to the ravages of an invading 
army ; and the rich merchant referred to by Leland was probably taken 
out of his own counting-house in the Cloth-market. The new walls 
were planned so as to include, not only all the recently-erected streets, 
but the monastic establishments. They appear to have been commenced 
on the western side, where we read of the "new wall" behind the 
house of the Black Friars in 1280. In 1307 they had been carried as 
far as the Wallknoll, where they cut through the grounds of the 
"White Friars. The portion which was not completed till the reign of 
Edward III. was most likely the line of defence parallel with the river. 

thick, -was found running in the same direction. (See A B on the plan.) Dr. 
Bruce inspected these remains. 

On 23 Dec. 1853, a drain from the Turf Hotel, leading across Colling wood- street, 
was renewed, and at 18 feet from the front of the hotel, and 121 feet from the east 
end of the street, Mr. Ventress saw the outside face of a piece of Roman wall. It 
was running diagonally in the street, S.W. to N. E., and striking for the angle of the 
Cloth -market and Mosley-street. The cut was about 4 feet wide, and that distance 
of wall was seen. The depth from the street pavement to the base of the wall was 
9 feet. The wall had six courses of stones, the bottom one projecting 2 inches, 
and the entire thickness of the wall at its base was 9 feet. Mr. White was present. 
The inner face of the wall is visible in one of the cellar apartments of the fish-shop 
in Collingwood-street. (See D on the plan.) 

On the following day, the Gas Company made a trench 16 inches wide and 20 
inches deep, at 18 feet west of Mr. Gibson's Bank Buildings, and cut through a wall 
9 feet thick, the southern face of which was 16 feet 4 inches north of the railing 
which surrounds the church of St. Nicholas. This wall was laid upon rough quar- 
ried flags about 4 inches thick. It appeared to be running to a point between Col- 
lingwood-street and Denton-chare ; but in so circumscribed an excavation, it was 
difficult to ascertain the precise bearing. Mr. V. has one of the facing-stones. (C on 
plan.) If this was the great wall, its course will be rather more to the north than that 
laid down by Mr. Maclauchlan in his Survey of the Barrier. 

The foundations of the new Town-hall Buildings are laid in virgin clay, without a 
trace of disturbance or occupation, save a framework of wood to the north end of 
them, supposed to have been connected with a well, as water was plentiful at that 
place. No remains have been observed in draining Westgate-street and Pudding- 
chare, but the partial use of a drift in the latter may have concealed the great wall. 

It is possible that Horsley's line of wall from the east may be that of the military 
way. Just north of the ancient passage formerly gained by the Nether Dene Bridge, 
in Dean -street, appearances of a side wall of Roman masonry were observed in 1852, 
possibly in connection with a viaduct there. (Eon plan.) All relics of the great 
wall at its presumed passage over the dean had long disappeared, for the remains of 
old English buildings of brick had substituted themselves. 

A rough outline from Mr. Maclauchlan' s Survey is annexed, with indications of 
the above remains added. Mr. Ventress still considers them as of original Roman 
workmanship, however difficult their connection with each other or our preconceived 
ideas may be. Ed. 


. VtoXit ls*n~0. 
B C . WcOl 
0. Cuubs 


. . . 1 




This was not required for security against a casual foray, but was ne- 
cessary as a protection against a hostile force being landed from the 

Whilst the commerce of the town was carried on at the wbarfs on the 
Lort Burn, and not on the Tyne, the houses in the Cloth-market, accord- 
ing to Grey, had warehouses behind them communicating with the burn, 
which was navigable for boats to their very doors, in the line of Dean- 
street and Grey-street, to the High-bridge. "In after times," he 
adds, " the merchants removed lower down towards the river, to the 
street called the Side and the Sandhill, where the trade remaineth to 
this day." 

No notice of the Close is met with prior to the fifteenth century, al- 
though it probably existed somewhat earlier. 

When the Sandhill became inadequate for the increasing commerce of 
the port, a wharf was erected by the side of the river, outside the town 
wall, in the line of the present quay. It appears, however, by an 
ancient survey of the town, made about 1590, and communicated to the 
Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle by Mr. Halliwell, that even at that 
date the wharf only extended about half the distance from the Sandhill 
towards Sandgate. The same survey represents a pier or mole extend- 
ing nearly half-way across the river, at the upper end of the Close. 

Within the circuit of the walls were many unoccupied spaces, which 
were gradually covered with buildings ; especially the tract of level 
ground behind the quay, which is now so closely packed with buildings, 
approached by the narrow alleys to which the provincial term "chare " 
is applied. From the inquisition on the death of the celebrated Roger 
Thornton, in 1430, it appears that his residence was in the Broad-chare, 
in which he owned several messuages, as also in the Narrow-chare 
(otherwise Collier-chare) and Philip-chare. He had also gardens both 
within and without Pandon-gate, and also without Sandgate ; besides 
property in various parts of the town, both within and without the 

The town was made greatly more compact by two lines of communi- 
cation, in connection with bridges across the Lort Burn, called re- 
spectively the Nether Dene Bridge and the Upper, the former con- 
necting Pilgrim-street with St. Nicholas' churchyard and the Head of 
the Side the latter with the Cloth-market and Newgate-street. The 
parish of All Saints, which had previously been a suburb cut off by the 
tide at high water, was thus brought into immediate contact with the 
centre of the town ; and Pilgrim-street itself became one of the principal 
streets for traffic. The Nether Dene Bridge appears, from, the title of a 


document formerly in the possession of the Corporation of Newcastle, to 
have been constructed in the reign of Richard II. ; and the Upper 
Dene Bridge cannot have been of much more recent date, but possibly 
earlier. The Painter Heugh occurs in 1373. 

Before the close of the fifteenth century houses appear to have been 
built outside several of the gates of the town. Of these suburbs the 
street without Sandgate was probably the most considerable, being the 
least exposed to attack from an enemy, and the situation being conve- 
nient for the residence of persons connected with the coal-trade and 
shipping. Without Newgate were two streets, as at present Sidgate 
(now called Percy-street) and Gallowgate. The suburbs of Pilgrim- 
street appear to have been of later erection, open fields intervening be- 
tween the gate at its extremity and the Magdalen Hospital. Mention 
occurs of some cottages, the property of Roger Thornton, lying opposite 
to the hospital in 1430, but these were detached from the town. 

The period of the greatest prosperity of medieval Newcastle was pro- 
bably during the reigns of the three first Edwards. Not only had the 
coal trade been opened out, and the general commerce of the port been 
greatly extended, but Newcastle had become the chief place of ren- 
dezvous for the immense armies which were assembled by these kings 
for the Scottish wars. 

The increase of population would have been much more rapid than it 
actually was if it had not been checked by the devastating plagues 
which afflicted, not only England, but all parts of Europe during the 
period. Of these, the most calamitous was in 1349, when Walsingham 
computes the mortality at nine-tenths of the entire population. The 
following year the pestilence extended to Scotland, of which country 
one-third of the inhabitants are said to have been cut off. There is no 
reason to suppose that Newcastle escaped a visitation which was at- 
tended by such fatal results on all sides, although we have no particu- 
lars of its ravages here. A very remarkable document has, however, 
been preserved, which enables us to compute with accuracy the number 
of persons resident in most of the counties and towns of England 
twenty-nine years later. In 1377, a poll-tax was imposed by parliament 
of fourpence per head on every person, male and female, above the age 
of fourteen years. By adding to the number liable to the tax, as they 
appear in the summary of the collectors' returns, one half more, as a 
proportionate allowance for children under fourteen, we obtain tables of 
the population in the fourteenth century almost as accurate as the pe- 
riodical census of modern times. In Newcastle, the number taxed was 
2,647, which gives a total population of 3,970. Adopting a similar 


principle of calculation in the case of other cities and towns throughout 
England, we find that Newcastle ranks the twelfth amongst them in the 
scale of population, as will appear from the following table : 

London 34,971 Lincoln 5,350 

York 10,872 Salisbury 4,839 

Bristol 9,517 Lynn 4,690 

Plymouth 7,255 Colchester 4,433 

Coventry 7,225 Beverley 3,994 

Norwich 5,928 Newcastle 3,970 

The other towns enumerated, all of them having a population inferior 
to Newcastle, are as follows : 

Canterbury 3,864 Winchester 2,166 

Bury St. Edmund's 3,663 Nottingham 2,166 

Oxford. 3,535 Stamford 1,827 

Gloucester 3,358 Newark 1,767 

Leicester 3,151 "Wells 1,658 

Shrewsbury 3,125 Ludlow 1,658 

Yarmouth 2,911 Southampton 1,628 

Hereford 2,853 Lichfield 1,593 

Ely 2,511 Derby 1,565 

Cambridge 2,511 Chichester 1,303 

Exeter 2,340 Boston 1,221 

Worcester 2,335 Carlisle 1,017 

Hull 2,335 Bath 855 

Ipswich 2,270 Rochester 855 

Northampton 2,267 Dartmouth 759 

The palatine counties of Durham and Chester are omitted from the 
return. Lancashire is included ; but none of its towns were of sufficient 
magnitude to be returned separately. 

In the reign of King Henry VIII., we have again the means of form- 
ing an approximate calculation of the population of Newcastle. A mus- 
ter-roll exists, from which we learn that the number of able-bodied men 
available for the defence of the town in 1539 was 1,907. Multiplying 
this number by 5, we obtain a sufficiently accurate estimate of the total 
number of the inhabitants of both sexes (including children) 9,535. 

In the 2nd year of Edward VI., A.D. 1548, the commissioners ap- 
pointed in each county to inquire as to the chantries and other small 
religious foundations, were required also to make a return of the num- 
ber of u howseling people," or communicants, in each parish. If these 
returns had been complete, we should have had reliable data from 
which to compute the total number of inhabitants; but, unfortunately, 


of the four parishes in Newcastle there are three respecting which the 
information is not supplied. In St. Andrew's, the "howseling people" 
were 992, which would give a total population of about 2,000. On a 
rough calculation, we may estimate St. Nicholas' and St. John's, re- 
spectively, as equal to St. Andrew's; and All Saints' as double the pro- 
portion of any of the others. This would give a total of 10,000, which 
is probably very near the true amount. 

The frequent visitations of the plague to which Newcastle was sub- 
jected during the latter half of the sixteenth century, and the beginning 
of the seventeenth, must have prevented any material increase of popu- 
lation; and it is probable that in 1636 the number of inhabitants was 
not greater than in 1548. If such were the case, upwards of one-half 
were cut off in that disastrous year, in which the number of deaths 
within the town are computed at 5,037. 

In the beginning of the eighteenth century the population had not 
only recovered, but greatly exceeded its former amount. The following 
table exhibits the number of baptisms and burials in each of the four 
parishes during the years from 1701 to 1718 inclusive : 

Baptisms. Burials. 

St. Nicholas' 1,858 2,406 

All Saints' 6,189 5,310 

St. John's 1,549 1,715 

St. Andrew's 1,186 1,540 

10,782 10,971 

Average per annum 599 609 

Average of baptisms and burials 605 

Assumed rate of mortality per annum ... 1 in 30 
Total population in 1701-18 18,120 

In 1770 Dr. Hutton estimated the population of Newcastle and 
Gateshead together at 30,000, of which, from the relative proportion of 
houses in the two towns, about 24,000 would be due to Newcastle. 
The actual population of the town in 1801 confirms this estimate, being 
28,294, showing a gross increase in 30 years of 4,294, or at the rate of 
somewhat more than 140 annually. 




THE occurence of a Runic inscription in any part of our island is always 
replete with interest both to the antiquary and to the historian. Of Anglo- 
Saxon Runes, which may be considered as peculiar to this country, we 
possess some extensive remains such as the inscription on the cross at 
Ruth well, deciphered by the late Mr. Keinble, and the remarkable one on 
the cross at Bewcastle, which, with the bilingual inscription from Falstone, 
has been so well explained and commented upon by the Rev. Daniel Haigh 
in an earlier volume of these Transactions. But the above include almost 
all our Anglo-Saxon Runes, and it is a matter of wonder to us that more 
relics of this kind have not been preserved. The fact of the Falstone 
inscription having been written both in Anglo-Saxon Runes and in 
Roman minuscules, proves, we think, that at that time the one or the 
other were becoming obsolete ; and there can be no doubt that the Anglo- 
Saxon Runes were then familiar only to a few, and that ere long these 
remnants of a heathen period for such we consider them went en- 
tirely out of use. Eare as are the Anglo-Saxon remains of this kind, 
it may be safely affirmed that the Runes, indicating the Norse influence 
in this country, are still more seldom met with. They are, in fact, or at 
least they were until within the last five years, almost entirely confined to 
one small island the Isle of Man where the Northmen firmly estab- 
lished their kingdom, and have left indelible traces of their presence in 
the laws and institutions by which the Isle is governed. Beyond the 
limits of the Isle of Man only one well authenticated inscription in 
the Norse Runes was known to exist in England and Ireland, and cu- 
riously enough this is to be found in Cumberland, upon the font at 
Bridekirk. Though in Norse Runes, it is not however in the old Norse 
language, " Norraena tunga," but in the curious old English of the time 
of the Conquest. Recently, in 1852, a purely Norse inscription, both 
in characters and language, was discovered on the south side of St. 
Paul's churchyard in London, at a depth of twenty feet below the pre- 
sent surface. It bears the inscription " Konall and Tuki laid down this 
stone." The first name is not very clear; it is only written "Kona," 
but Rafn insists that the " L" of the succeeding word must be doubled 


to complete the name. That such reduplications have occurred we will 
not deny, but they are very rare, and we would rather avoid having re- 
course to them to help us out of a difficult reading. The inscription is 
conjectured to be of about the date 1050, and the whole has reference no 
doubt to the flat gravestone at the head or foot of which this stone 
was placed, and on which was sculptured the real name of the deceased. 
Another Norse inscription has now been discovered, of complete Norse 
character as regards the letters of which it is formed, but containing 
one word not exactly reconcilable with the ordinary mode of writing it 
in the old Norse tongue. 

During the recent repairs of Carlisle Cathedral, on removing the 
plaster and white- wash from the interior of the south transept, the quick 
eye of Mr. C. H. Purday, the intelligent clerk of the works, caught the 
semblance of letters on a single stone about three feet from the ground, 
in the western wall of the transept. On close examination it was found 
to be in Runic letters, and a copy of these, as correctly as could then 
be made, was sent to Mr. Albert Way and others. On seeing Mr. Way's 
copy we at once recognised the inscription as being in purely Norse 
characters, and without difficulty we read the two concluding words 
" thesi stain," which confirmed us in our belief that the language cor- 
responded to the character of the Runes. On referring again (o Mr. 
Purday, he with the greatest willingness laboured to perfect the in- 
scription, examining the stone repeatedly by candle light, and each time 
being enabled to make important corrections. We carefully abstained 
ourselves from making any suggestions to Mr. Purday, as we wished to 
have the inscription copied by the accurate eye of a draughtsman, but by 
one totally ignorant of the characters in which it was written. Mr. 
Purday's emendations enabled us very soon to master the greater part 
of the meaning ; but two points remained unsettled, and which we were 
unable to clear up until we had personally inspected the stone. We had 
made out the words " raitad . . Rynr a thesi stain " " wrote Runes upon 
this stone" and we felt sure that the first word beginning with " Tolf " 
contained the proper name, and that in all probability the gap between 
"raitad" and "Rynr" should be filled up by the word "thessa" or 
"thesi," corresponding to the English word "these." On recently in- 
specting the stone for ourselves, we read the first name without difficulty 
as it had been read before by others, though we could not reconcile their 
reading with the copies of the inscription forwarded to us. The whole in- 
scription consists of thirty-three letters as expressed in English characters, 
and of twenty-four or more letters in the Norse, as many are " associated 
Runes," the so-called " Binderuner," and the letters TH in English are 


expressed in Norse by a single character. The inscription runs thus : 


Tolfihn wrote these Runes upon this stone. 



The first word, " Tolfihn," consists of seven letters but the last two are 
expressed by an associated Rune, where the diagonal stroke denoting N 
is placed upon the stem of the preceeding letter H. In all the copies 
that had been made for us by Mr. Purday two diagonal strokes had been 
figured, cutting from left to right through the stem of the preceding 
letter i, the fifth letter in the word. These strokes had ever been a sad 
stumbling block to our reading, and it was therefore with no small 
pleasure that we found them on personal inspection to be simply the tool 
marks left by the dressing of the stone, and that they were prolonged 
through the stem of the succeeding letter H in the most palpable man- 
ner. We had read the name at first as " Tolfohn," and it only required 
this rectification to arrive at the true reading " Tolfihn." After this 
name we find on the stono two dots or points, denoting the end of a 
word, and exactly in the position where they might be expected to ex- 
ist. Following these is the word " yraita," or " yraitad," which we 
consider to be a Cumbrianism for the Icelandic " ritadi" " wrote." The 
addition of the " y " to the word "raita" is in our opinion a provincialism, 
and we find this corroborated by the inscription on the font at Bridekirk, 
where the letters indeed are pure Norse, but the language is Anglo-Saxon 
of a northern dialect. The first line of the Bridekirk inscription runs as 
follows : " Ricard he me rwrocte" " Richard he me wrought." And a 
similar addition is pointed out by the Rev. Daniel Haigh as occuring in 
the Life of St. Godric, by Reginald, a work composed in the 12th 
century. The word "write" is seldom used in the Norse inscriptions 
scattered over Scandinavia, though "ristadi," or "ritsadi" cut or car- 
ved is often employed to denote the inscriber of the Runes. The word 
as it stands in the Carlisle inscription approaches nearly to the broad pro- 
nunciation of the English verb " to write " at the present day. It will 
be seen that we have left doubtful the termination of this word, because 
the final A. is associated to the stem of the succeeding compound letter 


TH, which two letters are denoted in the Icelandic by a single character 
somewhat resembling our D. The next word formed our greatest 
difficulty till our recent visit to Carlisle. Part of the upper portion of 
the lines here had been injured, and the stone was slightly fractured just 
where the lines originally had been the weakest. We satisfied ourselves, 
however, that the word was " thesi " or " THASI," the s and i being here 
associated together, as is the case also in the penultimate word of the 
inscription. To this word succeed the letters E.Y.N.R., forming the word 
" Rynr " or " Eunir." Then comes the letter A, which we take by itself 
as denoting the word " upon " followed by the easily decipherable letters 
TH. i. s. i. where the s and the i are as before conjoined, as is likewise 
the case with the first two letters of the succeeding word SXAIN which 
completes the inscription. 

It now only remains for us to trace out the purport of this inscription. 
We have no reason to consider it sepulchral, or commemorative of any 
deceased person, like the majority of the carefully sculptured stones in 
the Isle of Man. All that we know is, that connected with Carlisle, or 
at least with the neighbouring country, there were three or four in- 
dividuals of the name of Tolfin or Dolphin. One of these, as we learn 
from the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, was Governor of Carlisle about the 
year 1092, when William Rufus came into Cumberland and rebuilt, as 
it is said, the castle of Carlisle, dispossessing Dolphin, who had before 
governed the country. The name is unquestionably of Norse origin, 
and is probably identical in derivation with the name Dalgfinnr or 
Dagfin spoken of in the Orkneyinga Saga as having had charge of the 
beacon on Fair-isle when Earl Ronald's fleet was.expected from Shetland. 
Possible it is, that Tolfin of Carlisle, proud of his Norse descent, had 
cherished the memory of his ancestors and their mode of writing, and it 
may well be, that upon one of the stones lying ready for the building of 
the south transept of the Cathedral, he may, with the sharp pick of one 
of the workmen, have inscribed this memorial of his name* Whoever 
the Tolfin was, he wrote in nearly pure Norse, and in good Norse 
characters, though the execution of the letters is very slight, as they are 
merely superficial scratches on the stone, and average about three and a 
half inches in length. Gaut of the Isle of Man would have been 
ashamed of such handiwork. The date of this inscription may be of the 
tenth, eleventh, or twelfth century, and we should think it very possibly 
contemporaneous with the recorded visit of King William Rufus to 
Carlisle, when Tolfin was deprived of his dignities and power. 

April, 185S. 



A DEED from the Baliffes and Burgesses of Morpeth under ther common 
seale acknowledginge the Lordes right, to certaine liberties ther and 
disclayminge ther pretended right to the same as also for grindinge 
ther corne at the Lordes Mills Anno 3 d Rex [sic] Jacob!. 1 

} To all Christian people to whom this present deed shall come 
23uvgti3 ) We the Baliffes and Burgesses of the Towne and Burrough 
of Morpeth send greetinge in our Lord God everlastinge Know yee 
that wheras ther hath been controversie between the Right honorable 
the Lord William Howard lord of the Mannor and libertie of Morpeth 
aforesaid and us the said Baliffes and Burgesses concerninge the right 
and title of Court Leet and Court baron within Morpeth aforesaid and 
for and concerninge the Faires and Marketes ther, with certaine other 
liberties and priviledges claymed by us the said Baliffes and Burgesses 
in Morpeth aforesaid as by a Quo Warranto dependinge in his Majestie's 
Court of Kinges bench at Westminster and a plea in barre therunto 
pleaded in the name of us the said Baliffes and Burgesses remayninge 
of Record in the said Court doth appeare : Now for asmuch as we the 
said Baliffes and Burgesses are resolved by counsell that the said Courtes 
Leete and Court Baron faires and Marketes do of right appertaine unto 
the said Lord William Howard as Lord of the said Mannor of Morpeth 
and that we the said Baliffes and Burgesses have not or ought to have 
any use or exercise of in or concerning the same but under the said 
Lord William Howard and his officeres and ministeres. Therfore we 
the said Baliffes and Burgesses do by thes presentes acknowledge and 
confesse the said right and title of the said Lord William Howard to 
the said premisses and disclaime any title therin in or to our selves 
And we the said Baliffes and Burgesses do covenant and grant to and 
with the said Lord William Howard That we the said Baliffes and Bur- 
gesses shall and will in the next tearme or in Trinity tearme next by 
our Attorney of Record in the said Court of Kinges Bench confesse the 
said accusation of quo warranto and disclaime of Record as well the 
said Courtes Faires and Marketes as well all and every the liberties ther 
by us claymed or pretended to belonge unto us by our said plea in barre 
to the said Quo Warranto. Except only that we the said Baliffes and 
Burgesses are and claime still to be a lawfull corporacion by the name 
aforesaid so as a judgment may be lawfully given and entered against 
us for and concerninge the said liberties (except before excepted) And 

1 Copy from Greenwich Hospital, among Mr. Fenwick's Radclyffe collections. 


wher ther hath been likewise some controversie between the said Lord 
William Howard and some of the inhabitants of Morpeth aforesaid for 
not grindinge ther corne at the said Lord William Howardes milles ther 
accordinge to the custome We the said Baliifes and Burgesses do pro- 
misse by thes presentes to and with the said Lord William Howard 
That yf hereafter any inhabitant of Morpeth aforesaid shall grind any 
corne from the said Lordes Mills contrary to the said custome without 
lawfull cause to be allowed in the said Lordes Court That they the 
said Bailiffes and Burgesses shall not nor will not joyne with maintaine 
or defend any such inhabitant in any accusation or suite between e the 
Lord of the said Mannor or his farmer of the said Millnes and every 
such inhabitant for touching or concerninge the not grindinge at the said 
Lordes Millnes : But shall present at the said Lordes Court such as they 
shall know to offend therein. In witnes wherof we have heerunto sett 
our common seale the 9 th day of Aprill in the third yeare of the Raigne 
of our Sovereigne Lord James by the grace of God King of England 
Scotland France and Ireland and of his reigne of Scotland the thirtie 
and eight. 

Witnesses heerof 


[Judgment was confessed accordingly.] 



BEE it knowne unto all men by these presents That whereas I Richard 
Ayre gentleman have heertofore That is to saye within six monethes 
last past have prosecuted and fyled an originall writt in the Kinges 
Majesties Courte of Comon Piece at Westminster against Sir Arthure 
Gray Knight upon the statute of the three and twentyeth yeare of 
Queene Elizabeth inacted for the conformity of Popish recusants upon 
which originall I have not proceeded to any other proces : Now I the 
said Richard Ayre for many reasons and consideracions ine therennto 
movinge have remised released acquitted exonerated and discharged 
And by these presents doe remise release acquite exonerate and dis- 
charge the said Sir Arthure Gray of and from the said originall accion 
sute and Informacion : And doe hereby promise and undertake to pro- 
ceede noe further therein But suffer the same to be discontinewed and 
to be of none effect against the said Sir Arthure Grave. In witness 
wherof I the said Richard Ayre have hereunto put my hand and seale 
the fowerteenth day of February in the fowerth yeare of the raigne of 
our Soveraigne Lord Charles by the grace of God Kinge of England 
Scotland Fraunce and Ireland Defender of the Fayth &c. Richard 
Ayre (L.S.) Signed sealed and delivered in the presence of ROBERT 

In dorso : A declaration to proceed no further upon a Stattute against 
Recusants maid the 23rd yeare of Queen Elizabeth. 

1 Copy from Greenwich Hospital, among Mr. Fenwick's Radclyffe collections. 



OUR local historians state that in 1535 Edward Jay, Prior of Hexham, 
was executed at Tyburn, in company with the Prior of the Charter 
House and others. Dugdale, indeed, ends his list of the Hexham Priors 
with Edward Jaye, who was confirmed in 1524, and says, " He was the 
last Prior." But it appears that he had a successor, and that the latter 
was he who was executed. Godwin calls him Thomas Lawrence, and 
gives Augustine Webster as the name of his fellow-sufferer, the Prior of 
Beverley. The State Paper here printed, which transposes these names, 
will probably set the question at rest, and form a preface to the Misde- 
meanours of the Canons of Hexham in 1536, published in Mr. Hinde's 
interesting History of Northumberland, p. 353. 

INTERROGATORS mynistred by the right honourable Mr. Thomas Crum- 
well, chieff secretaire to the kinges highnes, unto Robert Lawrence, 
prior of Bevall, and Augustine Webster, prior of Hexham, and to 
eyther of theym, with their aunsweres to the same. 

Whether they, and eyther of theym, wolde be content obediently to 
obeye the kinges highnes as supreme hedde in erthe, under Christe, of 
the churche of England called Anglicana ecclesia : And hym so to re- 
pute, take, and accepte : And to refuse all other potentates and powers, 
Goddes onlie power except, according to the statute in that behalf made. 

ROBERT LAWRENCE, prior of Bevall, aunswered to the said question, 
that he coulde not consent nor beleve that the kinges highnes is supreme 
hedde of the churche of Englande according to the statute in that behalf 

AUGUSTINE WEBSTER, prior of Hexham, answered likewise to the said 
questions, that he coulde not consent nor beleve that the kinges highnes 
is supreme hedde of the churche of Englande according to the statute in 
that behalf made. 

Acta sunt &c. 20 Apr. 1535, coram memorato honorabili viro M'ro 
Thomas Crumwell ipsius regia? majestatis secretario primario : In domo 
solite habitacionis ejusdem honorandi viri vulgo nuncupata the Holies in 
continentibus civitatis London. 



THE manor of Stainton le Street was a detached portion of the great 
Baliol fee in the wapentake of Sadberge. Its tenure was that of com- 
mon socage. The village takes a high and airy position, and derives 
its name from a line of Roman road proceeding northwards from 
Middleton on the Raw and Sadherge. This is stated by the villagers to 
have been the high road, and to have passed by Sedgefield, and its 
probable course has been touched upon in the Northumberland Memoirs 
of the Archaeological Institute, i. 64. Stainton (which is also called 
Great Stainton to distinguish it from another place of the same name 
near it) was in existence during the Saxon period, as two portions of a 
Saxon cross (engraved in the Archaeological Journal, xii. 196) are built 
up in the north wall of its church. Their date is considered by Mr. 
"West wood to be prior to the 9th century. A field called Hawksley 
Garth, on the west side of the town, is full of rectangular remains. 
Further north are similar features in the fields to the east of the church. 
An old man supposed them to mark the sites of dwellings, and they may 
be the last relics of the Saxon village, for the church, which stands on 
a squarish platform, is considerably to the north-west of the present 
houses. From the north-east corner of the platform an enclosing work 
runs, and makes a right angle to a crossing of roads at the north of the 
village called Cross Hill. The hill itself is a large cone north-east of 
the crossing. 

This little manor, in its descent through the families of Bertram, De 
la Hay, Menel, Kellaw and Denton, Lambton and Thirkeld, and Lamb- 
ton and Rickaby, affords an opportunity of adducing new details re- 
specting them and some of their Durham estates, and of compressing 
old ones into a more connected and feudal view than has hitherto been 
given in the local histories. 

I. BALIOL. Ursel (Urselius or Russelius) de Baliol is distinguished 
among the Norman conquerors of Sicily, and commanded the mercenary 


bands of French and Normans who assisted Romanus Emperor of Con- 
stantinople in his unfortunate war of 1071. Gibbon supposes that this 
Ursel was the kinsman or father of the Scottish kings. 1 The former he 
probably w;is ; the latter he could not well be. Eainald de Balgiole, who 
occurs in Domesday (1086), was probably the Reginold de BaliolP whose 
daughter is stated in the Vernon pedigrees to marry Hugh de Vernon, 
whose father Richard de Vernon lived the " 20th of the Conquest," and 
thus was Reginold's contemporary. Sir Thomas Phillipps's position 
that Rainald was the ancestor of the Baliols of England can hardly 
be assented to. Not to trouble to enquire whether Guy de Baliol, the 
grantee of the Baliol fee, was son of one Wimund de Baillioll, 3 there seems 
no reason to doubt the accuracy of the statement that " to Guy Baylol, 
who came with William the Conqueror, King William Rufus, in the 7th 
year of his reign [1093-4], for his good and faithful service, gave the 
barony of Bywell, in the county of Northumberland, and made him 
baron thereof; and moreover in the said time the same King William 
Rufus gave the forests of Teesdale and Marwood, along with the lord- 
ships of Middleton in Teesdale and Gainford, with all their regalities 
and immunities thereto belonging."* Stainton was parcel of the lord- 
ship of Gainford. 

GTTT BAYLOL, being thus seized, gave the churches of Gainford, 
Stainton, and Stokesley to the abbey of St. Mary's at York, between 
1112 and 1 131, 8 for the souls of (amongst others) Dionysia his wife, and 
Bernard de Balliol his nephew (nepotis). Bernard the founder of Bar- 
nard Castle has generally been styled his son, as Bernard, junior, his 
grandson, would satisfy the word nepos ; but independently of the im- 
probability that the donor would pass over his son, there is other 
evidence that Guy died without male issue, for Bernard, between 1132 
and 1161, confirms to the abbey the church of Gainford "which Guy 
de Balliol my uncle (avunculus), from whom I hold by inheritance, gave to 
the said monastery."' 

By inheritance yet assuredly Guy Baliol left a daughter, whose 

1 Ducange (he says) in his Not ad Nicephor. Byrennium, 1. ii., No. 4.) laboured 
the subject in honour of the president de Bailleul, whose father had exchanged the 
sword for the gown. 

2 The arms worn in right of this Reginold were Ermine, an inescutcheon Gules. 
Harl MS., 1077, fo. 95. b. 

3 Walbran's Gainford, 147, and Pedigree of Baliol. 

* Spearman's Enquiry, 51, from Mickleton's MSS., B. fo. 9. The Testa de Nevil, 
under the Barony of Bywell, which owed castle-ward for all the Baliol fees, agrees. 

"Walbran, from Reg. B. M. Ebor., Bibl. Cath. Ebor., 304. 6 Ib 304, b. 


descendants we shall presently trace, and who obtained the beneficial 
use of Stainton. I can only conjecture that arrangements in the na- 
ture of entails on the male blood were already in use, and that Bernard 
was in by special inheritance, unless avunculus is a clerical error for avus. 
The seignory of Stainton continued to run with Gainford, and we 
shall find it in the unfortunate King of Scotland in 1279 and 1280. 

II. BERTRAM. HAwrsE (a common name among the Baliols) 
was wife of William Bertram, when, between 1100 and 1135, with 
her consent, and that of his sons, Roger, Guy, William, and Richard, 7 
he founded Brinkburn Priory. It appears from a confirmation deed of 
her son Roger that she was the daughter of Guy Baliol, and that her 
husband William held Stainton ; for this 

ROGER BEETEAM I., between 1149 and 1152, confirmed to St. Mary's 
Abbey the church of Stainton, " which my father William, and my 
grandfather Guy de Balliol, gave to the same church." 8 In the apochry- 
pha hanging over the origin of the Bertrams, it is impossible to say how 
much of inheritance was derived from the Baliols. He and his brother 
Richard originated the great houses of Mitford and Bothal. In 1166 
Roger Bertram of Mitford, who held of the Crown by 5 fees, but had 
6^ under him, states that all these had been enfeoffed by his "grand- 
father and father," and none by himself. All that we can attribute 
to the marriage are Stainton, held in socage of Gainford lordship, and 
Bechefeld, held by the heir of Roger Bertram in marriage, by socage 
tenure of the barony of " Bayll."* Both families of Bertram adopted the 
orle of Baliol as their armorial bearing. The Bertrams of Mitford bore 
it Or; 10 they of Bothal, Azure." 

WILLIAM BEETEAM confirmed to the canons of Brinkburne all the 
grants which William his grandfather and Roger his father had made 
to them. 12 The tallage of his barony in 1 196 13 included 32s. for the tal- 
lage of Gretham (in the wapentake of Sadberge), and this is the first 

i Of Bothal. He held 3 fees in capite, 1166. 
s Walbran, from Reg. B. M. Ebor., fo. 312, b. 

9 Testa de Nevil. 

10 ROGER BERTRAM. Gules, semy of cross-crosslets and an orle Or. (Glover's Ordi- 
nary.) Fitz -William in 1585 quartered Azure, an orle Or, in right of Bertram of 
Mitford. The Bertram seals have sometimes the cross-crosslets, and sometimes not. 

11 ROBERT DE BERTRAM. DeOr, a un escocheon percee de Azur. (Par/. Writs, i. 
419.) Glover's Ordinary, under Le Baron de Bothale, agrees. 

12 Reg. de Brinkburne. 
Pipe Roll, 8 Ric. 


appearance of that place." The barony was then in the hands of the 
Crown. 18 

ROGER BEETBAM (n.) succeeded as son and heir. In one part of the 
Testa de Nevil 16 he is stated to have held in chief the barony of Mitford 
by four fees of ancient feoffment (. e. before the death of Henry I.) 
The members of the barony are set out, but Greatham does not occur. 
In a later portion of the same record (temp. Hen. III.) 17 he occurs as 
holding the barony of Mitford by the service of jive knights. " And all 
his ancestors have held by the same service since the Conquest, and from 
that tenement nothing is alienated or given in marriage or alms or in 
any other mode whereby our lord the king may have less of his service." 
The fifth fee may have been Greatham. In a survey of Sadberge be- 
tween 1 208-1 7, 18 Eoger Bertram is entered as holding "the vill of 
Gretham with its appurtenances in chief, which pertains to his barony 
of Northumberland, and owes suit to the wapentake." He joined the 
barons in 17 Joh. (1215-16), when his castle of Mitford and lands were 
given to Philip de Ulecotes. On the king's death restitution was or- 
dered, and with some difficulty obtained upon a precept threatening the 
seizure of Ulecotes' own lands in Notts, Yorkshire, and Durham, un- 
less he obeyed the commands of the new sovereign. 19 This Eoger de 
Bertram died in 1242. 

ROGEB BERTRAM (in.) His son followed in the same wake. " Sir 
Eoger de Bertram demorant a Gretham," was among the knights of the 
bishoprick who bore a banner at the battle of Lewes in 1264 20 on the 
popular side. All his Northumberland estates were given to the cus- 
tody of William de Valence, but probably soon restored on heavy fine, 
and there is a large conveyance to Yalence himself in 1269. 21 But 
Bertram is found wasting his inheritance as early as 1255. Among his 
many sales 22 we find one of lands in Great Elaund to PETER DE MONTFORT, 
and it seems probable that Greatham shared the same fate. The rule of 
the new owner was brief. He fell into the same misfortunes as those in 
which his predecessor was involved. Although his name does not 
occur in the knights' services granted with Sadberge to Bishop Pudsey, 
it is evident from the Testa de Nevil that the Bishops of Durham soon 

14 The other bailiwicks or manors of the barony were, Felton and appurtenances, 
41*. 8d. ; Mitford and its appurtenances, 41s. ; Eiland and its appurtenances, 10. 

15 Hodgson Hinde's Northumberland, 286. 

19 3 Hodgson, i. 207. " Ib. 233. 18 Ib. 242. 

19 Dugdale's Baronage. 

J0 See the list in Hatfield's Survey by Green well. 

' See 2 flod. ii. 40; 3 Hod. ii. 360. Set out in the Hundred Rolls, p. 17. 


claimed all the services locally in the wapentake, whether granted to 
them or not. " In the time of King Henry the Third, during the 
barons' war, Petrus de Monte Forti, lord of the manor of Gretham, lying 
within the liberty of the said bishoprick, that is to say in the wapentake 
of Sadberge, betwixt the waters of Tyne and Teyse, within the bishop- 
rick of Duresme, for war levying against the king at the battle of 
Evesham, whereat he was slain, forfeited not only said Gretham, but 
also all the lands that he had within the realm of England ; and albeit 
that said king, supposing forfeiture of war to appertain to him within 
the said bishoprick, 23 as it did in other places without, seized the said 
manor into his hands, the same king afterward well understood of the 
right of the said bishop, restored to him the said manor as by his letters 
patent thereupon made to the said bishop it doth plainly appear. This 
was the first forfeiture of war whereof is now remaining any manner of 
record." 24 The king had given the manor to Thomas de Clare, but re- 
voked his grant, and executed a charter of restitution to the bishop, 25 
dated 23 May, 1267. The bishop (Stichill) either had grave doubts of 
his title, or really earned the gratitude of the Montfords by a disinter- 
ested restoration of their land. At all events, we have a charter from 
PETER, son and heir of the late Sir Peter de Monteforte, to the bishop, of 
his manor of Gretham, M and in 1272 the bishop, in founding Gretham 
Hospital, says of the manor with which he endowed it, " which manor 
we had of the gift of our special friend Sir Peter de Montefort to increase 
the worship of the Divine Name." 27 There is ample scope between 
1267 and 1272 for several transactions, and perhaps all is honest and 
straightforward ; but the confusion thought to hang over the matter was 
increased by Greystanes saying that the bishop "bought that vill of one 
named Bertram," a proposition easily explanable by the supposition 
that the author was not cognizant of the real transactions, and that as 
Greatham once did belong to the Bertrams, he considered that his state- 
ment could not well be wrong. 

Such was the end of the Bertrams as lords of Greatham, but Stainton 
le Street was for a season to remain in their blood. 

AGN.KS BEETBAM, the eldest daughter of the thriftless baron, married 
Sir Thomas Fitz- William of Emmelay, lord of Sprotborough, who had 
with his wife Stainton manor and 50. per annum out of Greatham. 28 In 

23 " In the liberty of the Bishop of Durham of Halewarke folke." Charter of 

24 Hist. Dun. Scrip. Tres, ccccli. 25 Printed in 1 Hutch., 218. 
26 Printed in 1 Hutch., 219. Z7 3 Hutch., 93. 

18 5 Collins' Peerage, 161. 



her widowhood she seems to have enjoyed the object of settlement as 
her own property, and passing by her son, Sir William Fitz-William 
(who had ample estates in Yorkshire, and whose son William was found 
to be a coheir of the Bertrams on their extinction in the main line in 
1311), she conveyed to her daughter Agnes, "all my manor and all my 
land in the vill and territory of Stayneton in the Street, which I had of 
frank-marriage, and two oxgangs of land in the vill and territory of 
Getham, which Sir Roger gave me in frank-marriage," reserving a rent 
of one penny to herself and her heirs. 29 The two oxgangs of Greatham 
were probably the origin of the freehold lands there. The rest of the 
manor is demesne of the hospital. 

AGNES, daughter of Thomas Fitz- William, as she styles herself, " to 
whom her father gave Stanton, Adwike, and Studfield/'so conveyed the 
greater part of her mother's gift to Richard de la Haye, burgess of 
Newcastle, as the manor with the vill of Staynton. " Rendering to 
me and my heirs Gd. at Easter, and doing suit of court and foreign ser- 
vice as much as pertains to the said manor, and for his relief, 12d. It 
shall be lawful for the said Richard and his heirs to erect a mill where- 
ever they will, within the said vill and without, without any gainsay- 
ing." 31 

III. DE LA HA Y. RICHA.KD DE LA. HATE, the Newcastle burgess 
who purchased Stainton, took a confirmation of it from John Fitz-John de 
Bailiol, in whose fee it is stated to be. The confirmation is dated in 
1279, at Sadberge, and tested by the bishop's justices itinerant for the 
county, as it is here called, of that name. 

Johannes films Domini Jhohannis de Balliolo Sciatis me confirmasse 
Richardo de la Haye, burgensi Novi Castri super Tynam manerium de 
Staynton in Strata quod est de feodo meo. Quod quidem maneriura ha- 
bet de dono Agnetis filia3 Domini Thomae filii Willelmi. Test. Dominis 
Roberto de Nevill, Gwychardo de Charron, Thoma de Herington, milliti- 
bus ; Alano de Walkingham, Justic. Domini Episcopi Dunelm. Itiner- 
antibus in com. Sadbyrg, &c. Dat. apud Sadbyrg, die Sabbathi proximo 
post festum Sancti Jacobi Apostoli, anno regni Regis Edwardi filii 
Regis Henrici septimo. [From an old copy in the Chaytor archives.] 

The relationship between Richard de la Haye and Peter de la Haye 
of Spaldington, who occurs as trustee for Sir John Trayne, lord of 
Streatlam, in 13 10, 32 does not appear. This Sir John Trayne, who died 

" 3 Sur., 399. *> Glover's Visit. Ebor., 1585. sl 3 Sur., 399. 

32 See 4 Surtees, i. 100; Testamenta Eboracensia, i. 12, and ii., 1311 ; and the York - 
ehire Visitations of 1585. 


in the same year, is said to have married Agnes, daughter and heiress 
of Ralph de la Haye of Stainton in the Street, and niece of Hugh Baliol. 
This could not well be. The pedigree of Bowes in the hands of the 
Bradley line of the family call her the daughter and sole heiress of 
Peter de la Hay, hy Agnes, sister of Bernard Baliol, baron of By well, by 
whom he (Peter) had Stainton super Stratam. Stainton near Streat- 
lam is probably meant, and it, like our Stainton, is on a Roman road ; 
but the Traynes had it before the date assigned to their marriage with 
de la Haye, though it is quite possible that it came through some early 
daughter of Baliol. 33 

THOMAS DE LA HAT, son and heir of Richard, was a minor in 1283, 
when he brought a writ of mort d' ancestor in the bishop's court against 
John Baliol, who thereupon acknowledged a messuage, 5 tofts and 35 
oxgangs of land, and 18 acres of meadow in Staynton in le Street, to 
be the tenements which Richard de la Haye acquired from Agnes fitz- 
Thomas Fitz-William. Baliol now confirms her charter as superior lord 
of the fee, reserving Id. rent at Easter, and fealty and suit of court 
once in three weeks at his court at Gainford : and promises not to claim 
or sell the marriage of Thomas de la Haye. 3 * "Et quia predictus Tho- 

S3 Which Sir John Trayne married Agnes, the daughter and sole heir of Sir Eaphe 
de la Hay Lord Pearsey [r] of Stainton in le Strato, whose arms were Argent, a fez 
Gules, between six martlets of the second. To whom Bernard Bayloll, baron of 
Bywell, (who was grandfather of John Bayloll, King of Scots) gave with his said 
niece Agnes the lordship of Streatlam, with his lands in Stainton, Broomylawe, Bar- 
forth, Cleatlam, Osmond-croft, and Hullerbush, which deed is without date. There 
is also another deed of diverse lands and royalties from the said Sir John Trayne 
dated A.D. 1310." Old Pedigree in Randal? s MSS, 

The settlement of 1310 was a genuine deed, and that without date was probably 
one of Bernard Baliol the great great grandfather of the Scottish king, living between 
1161 and 1189. We find Walter Trayne Lord of Streatlam and Stainton in 1210, 
and his wife might be the daughter of some early De la Hay by a Baliol. 

ARMS of Pers de la Hay. Argent, three escallops Gules between two bendlets 
Sable. (Glover's Ordinary.) The fess Gules between six martlets Sable occurs for 
De la Haye in the coats appended to the Durham Visitation of 1615, and in the 
Heraldric Dictionaries similar arms occur for various families of the name. 

At Streatlam Castle, among the coats put up by Sir Wm. Bowes in the 15th century 
we have round a copy of his seal the arms of Dalden, Jialiol, and the fess between 
six martlets for De la Hay. We also have separate tablets with Dalden (a cross 
patonce between four martlets, as per seals) and a/m dancette between three mart- 
lets (in the old pedigree said to be three daws for Daicdcn, while the genuine Dalden 
coat is given to Trayne). In the Visitation of 1615, after Dalden, we have a chevron 
engrailed between three martlets " for Trayner." 

34 The claim of the lord paramount to Thomas de la Haye's marriage seems to be 
based as follows : The Bertrams held in socage. Wardship was an incident of 
knights service, but, by custom, of socage tenure also. Then if a holder by either 
service make a gift in tail, and the tenant in tail make a feoffment in fee, and the 
feoffee dies, the lord paramount, and not the donor, shall have the wardship of his 
heir. (See Co. Lit. 76 a. b., 77 a.) Here Agnes Bertram, who married Fitz-Wiiliam, 
had a gift in frank-marriage or special tail from Roger Bertram the holder. She 
conveys in fee, and the rule applies, if by custom wardship attached. 


mas tempore confeecionis presentium fuit infra setatem, Richardus le 
Tayntures et Magister Willelmus de la Haye, custodes predict! Thomas 
omnia premissa habentes rata et grata, parti hujus ecripti penes pre- 
dictum Johannem resident! sigilla sua apposuerunt durantibus sigillia 
usque ad setatem predicti Thomae." 35 In 1312 a fine was levied at Sad- 
berge, by which the manor was settled to Thomas the father for life, 
remainder to Richard, Robert, William, Thomas, John, and Alan, his 
sons, in tail. 

RICHABD FITZ-THOMAS DE LA HAY of Newcastle, seems to have taken 
a surrender of his father's life estate and settled an annuity of 20 marka 
on him. The wife of Richard was named Isolda. 36 

JOHN DE LA HAT was lord of Staynton in the Street in 1356, when 
he conveyed to Robert de Behill and Euphemia his wife, a bouse in 
Halyelande upon Southill, nigh the tenement of "William de Heroun, 
knight. 37 In 1362 he conveys Staynton to his brother William de la 
Hay, chaplain, who re-conveys to John his brother and Agnes his wife. 
By this or another settlement, Agnes took a life interest in the whole 
of the manor. 

KATHEHINE, wife of John Fitz-Alan Menel of Ingleton, appears to 
have been daughter and heiress of John de la Hay. In 1372 William 
de Ryse and Alan de Killom of Malton, chaplains and trustees under 
some settlement, give to Menel and his wife the reversion of the manor 
expectant on the decease of Agnes the widow of John de la Hay. 38 
Katherine, as it seems, married again, and was the person of that name 
who occurs in the pedigrees of Laton as wife of Sir Robert de Laton of 
Laton in 1390. This will explain the grant in 1380 by Agnes del Hay, 
lady of Staynton, to Robert de Laton, knt., of a moiety of the rents of 
" the manor and vill of Staynton in the Street," during the lives of 
Alan Menel and Robert his brother. The grandmother evidently is pro- 
viding for the maintenance of Sir Robert's step-children, and she stipu- 
lates that if they die in her lifetime the estates shall revert to her. She 
seals with the usual arms of Laton. 39 

IV. MENEL. ALAN MENEL is stated in an old pedigree of the time 
of Henry VI.* (inserted in small capitals in the following genealogical 
sketch) to have died without heir of his body, and his brother Robert 
must have preceded him in the same fate. The heirship passed out of 
the blood of De la Hay to the paternal relatives of Alan Menel, who 
enjoyed the manor in moieties. 

Chaytor MSS., and Surtees. 36 3 Surtees, 400. Raine's MSS. 

^ 3 Surtees, 400. ** Ibid. * Chaytor archives. 



Robert de Maisnell, about the latter end of Hen. I. gave the town =r 
of Miton upon Swale to St. Mary's Abbey, at York (Dugdale). 

r J 

Stephen de Maisnil, son and heir, confirmed his father's grant. Founded the =?= 
house at Scarth, temp. Henry I. 

r - - - - 

Stephen de Maisnil, a trespasser in the forests of Yorkshire (Pipe Roll of =F Sibilla, 
1178-9). With the consent of his sons Robert and Henry, he gave his dau. of 
lordship of Steintune to Rievaulx Abbey (Dugdale). Held one kuight's 
fee in the franchise of Durham, 1166. 


Emma, dau. = Robert de Mennil, a minor in 1190-1, and therefore -r 
of Richard not born earlier than 1171. By advice of his wife I 
he gave 90 acres in Eston to Guisbrough Priory 1 
(Cartulary of that priory in Brit. Mus. 263), " Ste- 
phano Bulmer avunculo meo" being a witness. He 
is supposed to be the Robert de Meynevill or Ro- 
billardus to whom King John gave in marriage 
Agnes de Dyvelstone (Testa de Nevil, 3 Hodg. - 
North'd., i. 214, 227, 229). She probably died 
s. p. Robert Menil died 8 Joh. 1206-7. =f 

... Henry. 

whose 2nd 
her father 
(Glaus. 8 
Joh. m. 3. 

Sir Stephen de Men- Nicho- Robert, a natural son (Dugd. quoting 

nil, knt., a minor las. Communia de t. Paschse, 6 H. iii., 

1206-7, 1217-18. 1221-2, vol 2). Qu. Robert de Hil- 

/f. ton, buried before the altar in the Friary of 

MENEL OF Yarm, in inferior gradu, towards the south. (See 

WHORI/TON. the original note of burials in Graves' Cleveland.) 

" And all these was of the progeny of the Hiltons." 

Agnes, said to 
be sister and 
heir of Adam 
de Hilton of 
Hilton, in 

Hugh de Menel, " Lord of =y Alice, bur. 
HUton" (?) buried in the 
cemetery of Yarm Friary, 
heir to his bro. William. 

near her 

Robert de Menell, bur. near the said 

William fitz Robert de Meinill granted to 
Hugh de Meinell, his brother and heir, a 
toft and croft in Hilton in Cleveland which 
he had by demise of Alan de Malteby. [Qu. 
one of the first two governors of Baliol 
Coll. Ox. W. D. B.] 

John de Menell, buried near =F Sibil (de Skerningham), 

buried near her hus- 

William de Menil witnesses 
a deed dated at Headlam 
1309 (4 Sur. 98.) 

the said Robert, to whom, as 
John de Hilton of Clive- 
land, and to Sibil his wife, 
Stephen de Rosselles in 1303 conveys the whole manor of Hilton, with the homage 
and service of the freemen and natives, and the reversion of the land which Sir 
Richard de Kirkbride and Christiana his wife hold for her life. Qu. if this Christiana 
was not the person of that name who was the wife of Nicholas Menel, Lord of 
Whorlton, and against whom in 1290 he took futile proceedings for attempting to 
poison him ? In 1285 this Nicholas held " Hilton, except the portion of William 
de Pottou," Whorlton, &c., of the liberty of the church of Canterbury (Kirkby's 
Inquests), and died in 1299. 

*** William de Potowe held -j of a fee in Hilton of Walter de Fauconbrige, the 
coheir of Brus, in 1285. In 1279 Robert de Pothou held the same (Inq. feodorurn 
Petri de Brus). There were then other holdings under Brus. The same Robert de 
Pothou held land at Moresham under Guisbrough Priory as the inheritance of his wife 
Juliana, daughter of Richard de Hilton (Guisb. Cartnl. Cott. MSS. Cleop. D. ii. 292). 



Cuthbert Nicholas de Menville, fitz ~ 
Menvill, John Menvill of Hiltoun 
d. s. p. in Cleveland. In 1332 
he quitclaimed to Adam 
fitz William Menill of Ingleton, and 
Alice his wife, 2 parts of 10 marks is- 
euing from the manor of Snoterdon 
(par. Staindrop) and his right in the 
other 3rd part, assigned for the dower 
of Agnes, who was wife of Cuthbert 
Menville. He was buried as Lord of 
Hilton in the cemetery at Yarm. 

" And all these gentilmen 

Cecily (dau. William de Hilton, among 1 

and h. of the esquires or knights of 

Thomas the North Riding from 

Salcock of whom 20 men at arms were 

South Sal- to be chosen against the 

cock.Yks.) Scots, 1338. Nicholas de 

buried Hilton, John de Hilton, 

near him. and Ralph de Hilton were 

to contribute to their costs. 

%* Adam de Menville, ancestor of the 

Menvilles of Horden, was contemporary 

with this generation. 

of HILTON in Cleveland, 
be in the freers of Yarum." 

Adam fitz ALANTJS MENNELL =T= Joan. John 

William DE INGLETON, who Menyle 

Menill of with Joan his wife ofSom- 

Ingleton, in 1357 granted a erhouse 

liv. 1332 tenement in Midel gives a 

ut supra. street in Hertil- title to 

poiil to John de aneccle 

Park and Agnes his wife for life. -siastic 

His wife's seal resembles one of for ord- 

the close of the 14th century ination 

found ac Bramford, in Suffolk, in 1345 
and exhibited to the Archaeolo- 
gical Institute at Norwich. It 
presented a- stag couchant or 
pierced : " ALAS BOWELES." 


John fitz 
Alan Me- 
nell of In- 
gleton in 

= Katherine, 
1372 (de 
la Hay, 
to Sir Ro- 
bert La- 


. ! , ._ 






ALICIA co-= 


-1 r 











The manor of Stainton was by the above co-heirship permanently 
divided into moieties. 


V. KELLA W. While the relations of Bishop Kellaw held two- 
thirds of the manor of Kellaw, the other third was held by another 


branch of the same family. The earliest owner of Kellaw that I find 
is Unspac 41 or Ilunespak, 42 a witness to several charters of Bishop 
Flambard, and amongst others to the dying prelate's charter of restitu- 
tion to the monks. In two charters he occurs among members of the 
family of Musters, 43 and in 1130 witnessed Geoffrey Escolland's restock- 
ing of waste manors in the bishoprick. 44 Bishop Rufus gave his daughter 
Emma, with his lands in Durham, Kellaw, and Plausworth, to "William 
the Chamberlain by the following charter [inter 1133-1137], which the 
king confirmed : 

G. 45 Dei gratia Dunelm. Episcopus : Omnibus Baronibus et fidelibus 
suis clericis et laicis, Francis et Anglis, salutem. Sciatis me dedisse 
&c. Willelmo Camerario meo Emmani filiam Hunspaci in uxorem, cum 
omnibus terris quas Unspacius tenebat de me in die qua vivus et mor- 
tuus fuit in Dunelm et Kellaw et Plawsworth. 46 Concedo eciam ei 
Burdon 47 cum omnibus quse ad earn pertinent, terrain ultra aquam in 
Dunelm quam Unspacius tenuit de monachis. Testes Algarus Prior, 
Rogerus Sub -prior et omnis conventus Ecclesiee Dunelm., Robertua 
Archidiaconus, Raym. Archidiaconus, "Willelmus Magister Fabianus 
[sic] Simond. Capellanus, Aluerod Clericus, Arkembald, Rogerus de 
Cosner, Gaufridus Escoland, Radulphus de Modbery, Robertus Louell 
camerarius, Rodbt. Bret de Ubbervill, Radulfus Haget, Osb'nus de 
Wiric, Dolphin filius Uctredi, Giselbricht. . . . 

The next mention of Kellaw is in the bishop's return of knights' fees 
in 1168, where we have the son of LTJZE DE KEVELA.NE holding one 
knight's fee of ancient feoffment, i.e. from before 1135. That the let- 
ter in the name printed n is really u is evident from Bek's feodary 
(after 1279), where we have the same half fee held by " Liberi de Kel- 
law." The deduction, that between the periods of Pudsay and Bek the 
manor had become divided, is donfirmed by the endowments of Sherburn 
Hospital. In Pudsay 's foundation charter we have the following pas- 

41 1 Sur. cxxv. * 2 Scrip. Tres. Dun., Ivi. 

43 1 Sur. cxxv. ** Pipe Roll of 1130. 

45 The old copy in the Chaytor archives whence this important charter is taken 
reads H instead of G here, and Houfr. for Gaufridus, and Hiselbricht for Giselbricht, 
among the witnesses. The uniformity of the error and the attestation hy Prior Algar 
afford its correction. 

46 In Hatfield's Survey "William de Kellowe of Hareharrowes was one of four free 
tenants of the vill of Plausworth, but I hesitate to say that there was any continuous 
possession of it with Kellaw, as Boldon Book treats the whole of their tenure as that 
of Simon Vitulus or Veel, by the same services. 

47 Burdon, near Houghton le Skerne, had recently been restored by Flambard to 
the convent, and, unless the expression, '* quam Unspacius tenuit de monachis," re- 
fers to Burdon as well as the land at Durham, Burdon near "Wearmouth must be 
meant. Mr. Surtees (vol. i. 248) would transfer the inquisitions touching a manor 
of Burdon held of the bishop in capite to Burdon near Haughton, but I see no 
opening for it there, and Mr. Surtees himself omits them in his vol. iii. in treating 
of the latter place. 



sage : "Moreover we confirm to them one carucate of land nigh Gar- 
mundsway with all things to the same appertaining, which is called 
Raceby, which we long ago purchased from the first baron of the said 
land, the cultivator and inhabiter, and gave to them, as in the charter of 
the same baron which they have thereof is contained ; rendering there- 
fore in every year to the lord of Greater Kellow 15s. for all service." 
Now, in a charter tested by Sir Marmaduke fitz Geoffrey of Horden, 
(who died about 1281,) Thomas fitz Thomas de Kellawe, and others, 
ALEXANDEB DE KELLAW gave to Sherburn Hospital a rent of 5s. paid by 
the hospital out of his portion of Raceby. 48 We may infer from this 
that Alexander held one third of the manor, and it appears that the re- 
lations of Bishop Kellaw held the other two thirds. The bishop, in 
1316, makes his brother Patric de Kellawe his executor, and had in 
1311 given him Harberhouse. 49 In 1313 Richard fitz Patric de Kel- 
lawe was lessee of a tenement in Durham, 50 and in 1344 this Richard 
de Kellaw died holding reserved rents in Raceby and two parts in three 
of the mill of Kellaw, and various possessions in Great and Little Kel- 
law. Harberhouse regularly descended in his family, which ran by an 
heiress into Forcer. 51 

The descendants of Alexander de Kellaw, who eventually held half 
of Stainton le Street, seem to fall into the following order : 

Alexander de Kellawe, contemporary =F Mermedonia. Her seal during her 
with Sir Marmaduke fitz Geoffrey, I widowhood was inscribed a. MERNE- 
(who died cir. 1281). DONIE KELLAV (4 Sur. ii. 162.) 

_- i -* 

Nicholas fitz Al- 
exander deKel- 
lawe, contem- 
porary with 
John fitz Mar- 
maduke, who 
died 1311 (1 
Sur. ii. 290.) 

Henry fitz Alexander de Kel- 
lawe, to whom his brother Nich- 
olas gave a rent in Durham, 
which he sold in 1283. The 
conveyance is dated in the Bail- 
ey, and bears a seal with a lion 
rampant, s. HENRICI FIL. AL- 
EXANDRI (4 Sur. ii. 162). 

Qu. Isabel Kellaw held a chief 
messuage at Hartlepool on 
the south of the seashore to- 
wards the Slykewelle on the 
north, in dower before 1317, 
when it was in other hands 
(3 Sur. 401, from the Chay- 
tor archives). 

John fitz Henry de 
Kellawe occurs in 
connection with 
Thornlawe from a- 
bout 1300 to 1345, 
when he settled his 
lands there in trust 
for himself and his 
heirs, rem. to his 
sister Elizabeth. In 

Elizabeth de Kellaw 
in 1359 gave to 
Nicholas fitz "Wil- 
liam de Kellaw her 
manor of Holome 
and possessions there 
and in Hoton for 
life, and granted the 
reversion to William 
de Claxton, chivaler. 

William fitz Henry : 
de Kellaw had a 
toft and 20 acres in 
Thornlaw from Tho- 
mas de Ederdacres, 
and in 1308 Wm. 
de Ederdacres re- 
leased all his right 
in Thornlaw. In 
1321 he had a grant 

Thomas de 
had i of 
from John 
de Kellaw 
(Inqu. 8 

48 See the charter printed in 1 Sur. 287. 
4 Sur. ii. 164. 

* 9 4 Sur. ii. 148. 

51 See the pedigree in 1 Surtees, 65. 



1345 he and she had Nicholas fitz Simon of 4 acres there from 
license to settle 3 de Kellawe is a wit- John Harpyn the 
parts of the manor ness. lord thereof, 

of Mordon, and ODC 

third of that of Great Kellawe, and in 1347 they founded a chantry at the altar of 
B. Mary in the church of St. Helen at Little Kelloe, and in subsequent convey- 
ances of the Thornley lands (and apparently of the share of Mordon) to the Harpyn 
family, those lands were charged with its perpetual maintenance (See 1 Sur. 66, 
83, 84; 3 Sur. 44). In 1348-9 he gave Kellaw to Thomas de Kellawe ("De 
Thoma de Kellawe pro ingressu manerii de Kellawe ex dono Johannis de Kellawe" 
Halmot Rolls, 4 Hatf. 31). Thomas died seised of one third of the vill (Inq. p.m. 
8 Hatf. 1352-3). It occurs in the inquest on John de Kellaw, 11 Hatf. 1355-6, 
charged with provision of V2d. for a light before the crucifix in Kellaw church, 
and lid. to the chapel of John de Fernacres at Fernacres, and Gd. to the repairs of 
the bridge at Huton (Abstract of Inquisitions in Cursitor's office). He gave the 
manor of Holum to Nicholas de Kellawe. (" De Nichalao de Kellawe .pro in- 
gressu manerii de Holum dc dono dicti Johannis." Halm. Rolls, ut supra.) 

Nicholas fitz Wil- 

*** 1364. John, son 

Lawrence de Seton, =F A daughter. 

liam de Kellawe, the 

and heir of William 

probably one of 

Qu. Joane de 

grantee of Holom 

Makpays of Claxton, 

the Setons who 

Kellaw, who 

for life, 1359. In 

releases to William 

held under Car- 

conveyed a 

1354, 9 Hatf., Nich. 

Claxton, chiv., and 

row. Lawrence is 

tenement in 

de Kellaw recovered 

Joan his wife, 4 ox- 

a name of the Gar- 

the Bradchare 

3 mess, and 1 car. 

gangs, &c., in Clax- 

net* and Sayers, 


in Thornlaw against 

ton, which he had 

both connected 

to Thomas de 

Matida de Brune, 

recovered against 

with the Setons. 

Bedale 1362 

William her son, 

Joan the widow, and 

His descendants 

(Chaytor ar- 

Ralph Harloo, and 

John the son of John 

had property at 

chives, per 3 

Robert de Croxdale 

de Kellaw of Seton 

Seaton, held un- 

Sur. 401). 

(1 Sur. 84.) 

(3 Sur. 142). 

der Carrow. 

John, son and heir of Lawrence de =^= Margaret, d. 
Seton (called John Seton of Kel- and coh. of 
low in the old pedigree, temp. Hen. Alan Menell 
VI.) in 1371 released to Thomas of Ingleton. 

Lumley a toft and 2 oxgangs called * n 

Malton Lands in Thornlawe, and " all the right 
by inheritance descended to him and his heirs by 
the death of Nicholas de Kellaw, his uncle, and 
the same year released to Tho. Wayte and Eleanor 
his wife (widow of Tho. Harpyn), and to Thomas 
and Katherine Lumley (daughter of Harpyn), all 
right generally in the lands which ever belonged 
to his ancestor John de Kellaw." 

John Lawrenson de Seton, 
married Joane, daughter 
and coh. of Adam de Seton, 
knt., and coh., ex parte ma- 
terna, of John de Carrowe, 
who died in 1387- Their 
son and heir, Thomas Law- 
renson, ag. 22, 1404, was 
called Tho. Seton of Wor- 
sall, Esq., and in 1 426 set- 
tled his estates on William 
Hoton of Herdwyk (3 Sur. 
180, 190, and under Seaton). 

John de Kellaw of Seton, in 1 392, conveyed to Henry Pillok the burgages in Hart-^= 
lepool which he had by right of inheritance after the death of John his father. 
Pillok, in 1398, alienated a burgage in Northgate (Chaytor Archives, per 3 Sur. 
401). Had | of Kellaw manor, and held two parts of the manor of Ingleton of 
Ralph Earl of Westmoreland, John being his son and heir (Inq. p. m. 2 Lang. 1407-8). 

John de Kellawe, an infant Alice, =r= Robert Lambton, held a mess., 3 oxgangs and 

in the bishop' sward (Inq. heiress. a half, and 6 cottages, in right of his wife, at 

p. m. 4 Lang. 1409-10). Seaton, held by rent of the heirs of Carrow, 

Alice his sister and heir. 1427 (Inq. p. m. Avice Langton or Elmden). 



Before passing to the Lambtons, I venture to note the principal ten- 
ures of Ingleton, which must often be mentioned, and which was not 
reached by Mr. Surtees. 

"Ingeltun" was one of the appurtenances of Staindrop granted by 
Cnut to the church, and the manor was held of the prior by the Nevils 
as parcel of Raby and Staindrop. The Lambtons, as will be seen, held 
one third of the manor under the Earls of Westmoreland by military 
service. John de Kellaw (Inq. p. m. 2 Langley) is said indeed to hold 
two parts of the manor, but these perhaps included Thirkeld's share. 
The Bowes family held three messuages and forty acres of the earl from 
the 14th century at least to the time of Elizabeth. "William Pudsey, 
knt. (5 Fox), held a mess, and thirty acres of the earl, and ' Jakys ' 
was his son and heir. Agnes, wife of James Pudsey, held the same, and 
William was brother and heir of James (Lib. Inquis. temp. Ruthal, fo. 
4). In Tunstal's time Matthew Phillipp held a mess, and twenty acres 
of the earl in socage, Percival being son and heir, and on 20 July, 5 
James L, George Marley by fine acquired similar premises from Agnes 
Rowntree, widow, and Ralph Rowntree. One of these holdings might 
be a purchase from Thirkeld. 

In the Book of Rates of 37 Eliz. Ingleton occurs under both Gainford 
and Staindrop parishes, and the Inquisition of the Baliol fees in 1307 
(Kellaw' s Regr. per Walbran) gives Den ton and Ingleton as constituting 
a subinfeudation of 1 fee. 

VI. LAMBTON, The origin of ROBEET LAMBTON, the husband of 
Alice Kellaw, his settlement in Cleveland, and the fact of his youngest 
son being held at the font by Richard Nevil, Earl of Salisbury, Joan 
his mother (who was half-sister of Henry IV.), and the Cardinal Bishop 
of Durham, have been a puzzle to antiquaries. That he was a very 
near relation of the Lambtons of Lambton is evident from his will, 
dated Monday before Holy Cross, 14 H. VI., proved 27 Oct., 1435, in 
which he names as executors his wife Alice, his uncle William Bek- 
wyth, and his cousin Thomas Lambton. In Mr. Surtees' s MS. pedigree 
of Lambton of Stainton he adds " Esq." to the last name, and from 
other Lambton names occurring hereafter in a settlement of 1458, there 
can be little hesitation in identifying it with Thomas Lambton, then a 
younger son of the house of Lambton, and after 1442 its representative. 
This Thomas, however, evidently stands a generation below his kins- 
man of Cleveland, and I suspect that the latter will prove to be the son 
of a brother of William the grandfather of Thomas, who died in 



1430. M Mr. Surtees in the above-mentioned pedigree calls him " Robert 
de Lambton, sometime styled the younger, afterwards of Nunthorpe in 
Cleveland," and his will describes him as of the parish of Ay ton, where 
he desires to be buried. Amongst the bequests there is one to his wife 
of the lands and tenements of John Hedelam, then in the testator's 
hands until he came of full age. Some of these lands were doubtless 
at Nunthorpe itself, from whence this John Headlam dated his will in 
1461, and thus Mr. Lambton might be dwelling on his ward's lands. 
Yet I cannot but suspect that there was a relationship between the 
families, and if so, as the Headlams do not previously occur at Nun- 
thorpe, there might be a coheirship in the lands. In Headlam's will 
Richard Lambton is an executor in company with Richard Clervaux, 
John Killinghall, and Nicholas Morlay, who confessedly were relations of 
the testator. 53 Again, Glover has for both names the same coat Gules, 
a chevron (Or, for Hedlame, Argent, for Lambe- 
ton) between three lambs' heads 
co aped Argent. The heralds in 1575 
gave the more usual coat of a fess be- 
tween three lambs to this younger 
line of Lambton, and latterly have 
differenced it with a trefoil, but there 
would most likely be a more radical distinction in the 
honest days of heraldry. 

ALICE, the heiress of Kellaw, survived her husband, and the inquest 
after her death (2 Jan. 2 Nevil, 1440) includes the third part of the 
manors of Ingilton and Kellawe, the former held of Joan Countess of 
"Westmoreland, the sponsor of her child. Other lands were settled on 

52 There was in 1575 an inscription on brass in Chester church memorializing this 
William Lambton and Alice [Salcock] his wife, with their impaled arms. Mr. Sur- 
tees adds that it was in the Lambton pew in the south aisle. There is still a female 
figure under one of the pews in this aisle, with the matrices of a male figure, arms, 
and inscription. 

53 The following position differs from the received statements, but it is the only 
way in which I can reconcile the evidences and dates : 

John Hedlem of Stainton in the Karrs, 1371-1377 : gave lands in Staynton =p Joan, 
(near Streatlam) to his son John and his wife Joan, 1398 (4 Sar. 98;. | 1371. 

I -* 

John Hedlem, = Joan, =p Agnes, daughter of Sir John Clervaux of Croft, knt. (Glover's 
1398. 1398. j Visit.) Her brother Sir John died in 1443. 

John Bedlam of Nunthurp, Knt., a minor in 1435: will da'eil 26 =? Joan. = Nicholas 

Mar., pr. 24 Aug., 1461 (2 Test. Ebor. 247). '-John Hedlem of 
Hedlero, after the decease of Henry Hedlem (liv. 1415), suted 
peaceably to the Baylzyhaule ot'Staynton, and soon after let to farm 
the said hall to Elizabeth Hedlem, wile of the said Hery for the 
terra of her lite ; and after her decease the said John Hedlem, fa- 
ther of Gyffray Hedlem, entered peaceably to the said hall." 


Morley of 
Eq., 1446. 

Geoffry Headlam, liv. 1475. =p 



her son Thomas for life, rem. William Lambton, another son, rem, 
Richard his brother. Thomas arid William were dead, and Richard 
Lambton was therefore son and heir, and was aged 14 and upwards.* 1 

RICHA.ED LAMBTON was born at Nunthorpe on Ash Wednesday, 1425, 
and was baptized in the church of Ayton, being held at the font by 
Richard Nevil, Earl of Salisbury, Thomas Laugley, Bishop of Durham, 
and Joan Countess of Westmoreland. 55 The Durham Visitation of 1575 
commences with him, and calls him Richard Lambton of Lambton. 
He is described as of Haregat, co. York, Esq., on 30 June, 36 H. VI., 
1458, when he and his wife Alice settled lands in Staynton, Ingleton, 
Seton Karrow, &c., on Sir John Nevil and Sir John Lambton [the 
knight of Rhodes, who was brother to Thomas Lambton of Lambton, 
and is said to have slain the worm of Lambton], William Lambton, 
clerk [brother of Thomas and John, and afterwards master of University 
College, Oxford, 1461], Willianx Lambard, clerk, Thomas Bekwyth, and 
others. 36 He died for the cause of the Red Rose, on Towton Field, in 
1461, seised of one third of the manors of Great Kellaw and Ingleton, 57 
and half of that of Stainton in the Street, held of the manor of Gainford 
by the service of a halfpenny and of attending the manor- court of Gain- 
ford three times a year. 56 

That the family would pass through the storm consequent on the 
change of dynasty was not to be expected. Staynton and Ingleton re- 
mained with the slain knight's heirs, but in the time of Bp. Tunstall 
the third of Great Kellaw appears in the inquest of Ralph Dalton's 
possessions, in 1568 in that of Robert Dalton's, and in 1572 in that of 
Robert Dalton's, clerk. 59 The property, however, once more occurs in 
the name and blood of Lambton. While Robert Lambton, the eldest 
son of the dead Lancastrian, continued the line at Stainton, Percival 
Lambton, the second son, filled the law-offices of Bishops Fox and 
Sherwood, married a daughter of the knightly house of Clervaux, 60 and 
settled at Bellasis, near Billingham, which he and his descendants 

51 Chaytor MSS. A manor of Stainton in the Strete occurs in the inquest after 
the death of the great Earl of Westmoreland, 20 Langley, 1426 (3 Hutch.), and on 
1 May, 24 Langley, a pardon issued from the Bishop to William Tunstall and others 
for acquiring it from the late earl without licence. (Madotfs Form, 332.) 

3 Sur. 62. 56 Mr. Surtees's MS. pedigree in J. B. Taylor's MSS. 

si Ibid. 58 3 Sur. 61. 

59 Abstract of Inquisitions, Cursitor's Office. See the pedigree of Button and Dai- 
ton below. 

80 Said in the Visit, of 1575 to have been daughter of Richard Clervaux, but her 
father was Marmaduke Clervaux. A monumental inscription in Billingham church 
proved this. It is printed in Hutchinson's history, and pews probably now hide it. 
A label of brass in the nave, much defaced, and not usually noticed, commemorates 
some yeoman of Bellasis. 


leased from the convent. He died in 1523. His son and heir "William, 
who died in 1534 or 5, married Constance, daughter of John Dalton of 
West Auckland, Esq. 61 (living his widow, 1548 62 ), and this marriage 
may have carried an interest in Kellaw, for in 1577 Marmaduke Lamb- 
ton, the offspring of it, conveyed to his nephew Robert Eden the re- 
version of his tenement in Great Kelloe, of which Dorothy, wife of 
Michael Constable, Esq., but late wife of Eobert Dalton, 83 Esq., was 
seised for term of life. In the same year Eden conveyed one third of 
the manor of Great Kelloe, to John Forcer, who had the other two 
thirds as heir of the other house of Kellaw. In Marmaduke Lambton, 
who evidently took name from his great-grandfather, Marmaduke Cler- 
vaux, the male line of Percival ceased. He certified his pedigree at the 
Visitation in 1575, with the arms of Lambton of Lambton undifferenced, 
and we there gather that he was afflicted with the infirmity of Milton, 
"Ex relatu Blynde Lambton, sed minus vere ut apparet per relationem 
Roberti Lambton de Lambton." This remark by Glover alludes per- 
haps to the erroneous introduction of the words ' de Lambton ' in two 
parts of the pedigree, instead of ' de Stain ton,' rather than to the more 
extraordinary circumstance that the informant's own father is omitted. 
Probably both errors lie to Glover's own door rather than to any wilful 
fib of the sightless Marmaduke to his misconception of the northern 
vernacular. Philipson, in his print of the Visitation, annotates the 
descent as a " blind pedigree," an expression marked by Surtees as " not 
perhaps in the grave style fit for a Visitation." 64 There is another very 
singular error in this Visitation, which I may not find another opportunity 
to mention. The pedigree of Hutton of Hutton is made to stand thus : 
Richard Hutton of Hunwycke, =^ Robert Dalton =p 

r ' , . J r- ' i 

William Hutton =f= Elizabeth, dau. of Rob. Ralph Dalton. =F [Robert liv. 1566 
of Hunwicke. I Simpson of Henknoll. Test. Dun. 249.] 


John Hutton of =F Elizabeth, daii. and heir of Ralph Robert Dalton, d. s. p. [before 
Hunwicke. I Dalton of West Auckland. 1566. Test. Dun. 235.] 

Anthony Hutton, of=p 1. Margaret, mar. Chr. Athy of Alderney. 

Hunwicke, Esq., 2. Jane, mar. Eobert Eden of West Auckland [son of John - 

1575. Eden by Elizabeth, sister of Marmaduke Lambton]. 

i 1 ' 3. Margery, mar. Matthew Craythorne of West Auckland. 

Christopher William 4. Elizabeth, mar. George Toketts of Toketts. 

Hutton, s. Hutton. 5. Constance, mar. John Thomson of Newcastle. 

and h., ag. 6. Anne, unmarried. 

12, 1575. 

61 3 Sur. 62. 62 Surtees MS. ped. 

63 3 Hutch. 340. Surtees calls him John, but see the pedigree of the Hiltons, of 
whose stock Dorothy was. 

64 Proof sheets of the Visitation. 



The arms of Hutton quartering Dalton 65 are given. Notwithstanding 
all this, it is pretty certain that Anthony Hutton had not the heirship 
of Dalton, and that he was not the son of John Hutton at all. John 
Hutton, in 1565, treats him indeed like an heir by bequeathing to him 
" for a token his gold ring with the seal of his arms," but he was heir 
male only, for he is called " my brother," and his second son Wil- 
liam is mentioned. 68 Then John's wife, sealing her will in 1566 with 
" the seal of the Daltons' arms," only mentions her five daughters. 67 
The Eden pedigrees treat Jane Hutton as an heiress, and the point seems 
to be decided by the admittance of the three elder daughters (probably 
all that were then of age) as daughters and heirs of John Huton, deceased, 
to copyhold property at Newton Cap in 1577. The names of their 
husbands occur as in the Yisitation. 

But to return to Stainton. 

EOBEET LAMBTON, " sometime described as of Great Staynton, Esq.," 6 * 
was aged 10 in 1461 or 2 in ward of his mother Alice, and had livery 
in 1476 or 7. In 1479 he and Dame Margaret Lambton, nun, appoint 
an attorney to collect rents in Hartiepool. 69 His seal is defaced ; that 
of Margaret presents a tree between two damaged figures. In 1487 or 
8 Robert Thrilkeld, the owner of the other moiety of Stainton, made 
partition with him of the demesnes of Staneton. 70 

THOMAS LAMBTON, his son and heir, married Isabel daughter of John 
Slingsby of Scriven, Esq. 71 My copy of Glover's Visitation, in the 
Slingsby pedigree, calls him " Thomas Langton of Harogatt." 

ROBERT LAMBTON, of Stainton and of Hampsthwayte, in Yorkshire, 
gent., was his son and heir. In 1562 we have mention of that family 
of Marley which grew steadily into wealth and position at Hilton and 
Ingleton, 72 and finally ousted its landlords. Then it was that this 

85 I give the descent from the Visitation. In John Richardson's Abstract of the 
Inquisitions in the Cursitor's Office, the title of two acres at St. Helen's Auckland, 
held in 16 Langley of "Wm. Sockburne (who held of John Colvile, knt.) stands thus : 

16 Langley. John Dalton. William, son and heir. 
4 Booth. John Dalton. Robert, brother and heir. 

8 Sherwood. Robert Dalton. Isabella, wife of John Lawrence, sister and heir. 
t. Ruthall, No. 34. John Dalton. Ralph, son and heir, 
t. Tonstall, No. 202. Ralph Dalton. Robert, son and heir. 

Test. Dun., 234. w Test. Dun., 249. 

68 Mr. Surtees's MS. pedigree. 

69 Chaytor archives. See 3 Sur. 401, for other transactions at Hartlepool. 

70 Chaytor archives. 

71 3 Sur. 62. In his MS. pedigree he had given the wife as "dau. of .... Percy." 
The Durham Visitation affords no name. The will of Robert Lambton in 1563 men- 
tions his cousin Francis Slingsby. 

72 Some of these Marleys settled at Newcastle, and, if I remember rightly, the 
gallant Sir John Marley sprang from them. 


Lambton leased a house &c., at Ingleton for 25 years, to Edinond 
Marley of Ingleton, yeoman, who " shall duringe the said tearme serve 
in- the Quene's warres, and dischardge the sayde Robert, his heires and 
assignes, of all chardges, duties, and sessments in the 
same warres, as other tenaunts of the said Robert 
Lampton doe accurding to their tenors, and shall 
leade and carrie unto the sayde Robert, or his heire, 
one loade of cooles, conteyninge fyve quarters, and 
the same to deliver at his dwellinge house nowe in 
Stainton, or els in Ingleton aforesaide." 73 The seal 
of Lambton presents a sort of griffin in conflict with 
a winged worm, possibly in reference to the cele- 
brated tradition of the elder house of his name. 

The will 71 of "Robert Lambton or Lampton, as the name is almost in- 
variably spelled in the 16th century, is made in the reign of Elizabeth, 
on 27 March, 1563, and the preamble is remarkable for the absence of 
invocations, while the mention of the Virgin is retained. " I be- 
queath, commit, and give my soul unto Almighty God, the Father, and 
the Son, and the Holy Ghost, Three Persons, and One God, trusting 
surely to be saved from the thraldom of the devil and all other my ad- 
versaries, through the mercies and death of Jesus Christ, very God, and 
very Man, my Maker and Redeemer, and through his goodness only to 
be in the society and fellowship of his blessed mother Mary our lady, 
and all elect company of heaven." He desires burial in Stainton 
church-yard if he died there, and it took place accordingly on 6 June 
following. 75 He gives " unto poor people for God's sake, 40s." It is 
at first sight a peculiarity in the will that the bringing up of the heir, 
and the custody of his lands, are committed, not to the widow, but the 
testator's cousin, Francis Slingsby, who is required to bring his charge 
up "in godliness, virtue, and learning." But we must observe that the 
testator's mother, who had been a Siingsby, was still living, seemingly 
at Hampsthwaite, and her grandson may have contracted affections and 
become accustomed to a control which it was not advisable to sever, in- - 
dependently of the advantage of masculine nurture. Then follows a 
singular condition of the tenancy of one of the Marleys the support of 
his landlord's base issue. " I bequeath unto Elizabeth Wilkinson IQl., 
and to Ann Lampton and her sister, daughters of the said Elizabeth, to 
either of them 61. 13s. 4d., equally to be divided between them. Item 
I will that George Marley bring the younger of these my daughters up 
of my farmhold that he dwelleth in near Inglestone, and that the said 
73 Chaytor archives. 7 * Test. Dun. 211. 3 Sur. 62. 


George Marlye shall have and occupy the said farmhold to most gain 
and profit, bringing her honestly up as she ought to be till she come to 
the age of 1 7 yeares, the said George yielding and paying yearly there- 
fore unto my heirs the accustomed rent, which is 56s. by year, and also 
maintaining, upholding, and keeping up the houses of the same in good 
and sufficient reparations from time to time, and doing such service as 
is to be done in the wars of the realme therefore." 

The testator's wife was a daughter of Richard Hebborne of Hardwick, 
co. pal., Esq. She married four husbands: 1. Rowland Mordaunt, 2. 
Lamb ton, 3. Anthony Place of Dinsdale, 4. Thomas Kirton. 76 In De- 
cember, after Lamb ton's death, she leased to Christopher Wilkinson, her 
servant, her messuage and demesne in Great Staynton for 60 years [. e. 
for her life], at the rent of 41. "Wilkinson assigned to Francis Slingsby 
of Scriven, Esq. 77 Thus was the widow's dower disposed of. 

WILLIAM LA.MBTON of Great Stainton and Hampsthwaite, Esq., was 
son and heir. He married Anne, the daughter of Henry Tempest of 
Broughton, co. York, Esq., and his inquest in 1598 comprises half of 
the manor of Great Stainton, and one third of the manor and vill of 
Ingleton, held of the queen by reason of the Nevil attainder by one 
twentieth of a knight's fee and Id. rent. His death took place some 
years before the inquest, before 1581, when his widow leases to Cuthbert 
Marley of Engleton, yeoman, a mess, and land there in his own occupa- 
tion, and half of a kilne there in the tenancy of himself and Edward 
Marley. In 1582 she had remarried to William Burton of Kelinghall, 
co. York, gent., and they lease messuages and land at Ingleton to Chris- 
topher Marlye and John Marley. In 1586 there was an agreement 
between Burton and Rickarby, who now owned the Thirkeld estate, for 
a division of the manor, and in 1587 Burton and his wife leased a mes- 
suage croft and thirty acres in the Northefeld of Staynton. 78 

The four Marleys mentioned above are the same tenants as are men- 
tioned for Ingleton in a survey of the tenures of William Lampton, 
which mentions the Queen's Majesty, and agrees with the hand-writing 
of Elizabeth's time. The following passage occurs under Stainton: 
" Also it dothe appeare by evidence ther haithe bene a wyndmyll which 
weare nott onlye necessarye, butt verye like to be comodyous if one 
weare builded againe ther. The tymber will be harde to gett to do the 
same. Ther is a place supposed to be concyled, and that Mr. Chator of 
Durham hath purchased it, as belonginge to a chappell which came to 
the Kinge's hands by the statute of Chantries, which suerlie cannott be 
so, for thatt was onlye a chapell of case, and had no lands save thatt 
76 3 Sur. 62. 77 Chaytor archrres. 78 Chaytor archives. 



place on the Lord's waste wher it stoode, and so nott geven to the 
Kinge by the statute." 79 The place in question was perhaps comprised 
in a " messuage or tenement and one cottage with appurtenances in 
Stainton, and four oxgangs of land with appurtenances, containing 
thirty acres of land," which are contained in the queen's grant to John 
Awbrey and John Ratcliffe, 28 Eliz., and by Awbrey conveyed to John 
Richardson of Durham in 42 Eliz. 80 But Chaytor' s title was probably 
similar to that of the Lady-lands in Sheraton, which his descendants 
successfully defended against Richardson by inquisitions which were 
drawn by the complainant himself.. 61 

"WILLIAM LAMBTON of Great Stainton, Esq., son and heir, dissipated 
much of his inheritance. He was aged 17 in 1598, and in 1604 alien- 
ated considerable lands at Ingleton (probably the whole of the Lambton 
share) to George Marley, sen., George Marley, jun., Cuthbert Marley, 
Henry Smelt, and George Marley, son of Edward Marley, by fine. The 
fines do not give any correct criterion of the exact quantities. 

Mr. Lambton married Margaret, the younger daughter and co-heiress 
of Dr. John Barnes, Rector of Haughton-le- 
Skerne, and brother of Bp. Barnes. The seal 
of the rector is given in the margin. Mrs. 
Lambton was eventually sole heiress, and 
bought the manor of Little Haughton or 
Haughton-field, the history of which I have 
elsewhere traced. 82 Mr. Lambton's will is 
dated 6 June, 1612, and at the inquest after 
his death, he being seised of the moiety of 
Stainton, the charter of Baliol in 1283 was 
produced to the jurors. 83 His widow was 
living on her Haughton inheritance in 162,5, 
when Charles I. required a loan of 15/. 
from her, "doubting not but that, this 
being the first time he had required any- 
thing in this kind, he should receive such a 
testimony of good affection with such alacrity and readiness as might 
make the same so much more acceptable, seeing he required but that of 
some which few men would deny a friend, and had a mind resolved to 
expose all his earthly fortune for preservation of the general." 84 Of 
course she had to pay. 

79 Chaytor archives. 
82 Hist. Darlington, cix. 

80 Supra, p. 21. 
83 3 Stir. 61. 

81 1 Sur. 56. 

s4 Chaytor archives. 



WILLIAM LA.MBTON, Esq., of Haughton-field, ultimus suorum, son and 
heir, aged 22 in 1630-1, died issueless in 1649, and was buried in 
Haughton church. 85 His two sisters, Anne, the wife of Nicholas 
Chaytor of Butterby, Esq., and Margaret, the wife of John Killinghall 
of Middleton St. George, Esq., were his co-heiresses. The history of 
the Killinghall portion was traced in a former article on the Tenures of 
Middleton St. George. 86 It is observable that property in Great Stainton 
is dealt with in the wiU of John Killinghall' s father in 1642. 87 The 
Chaytor quarter of the manor shared the fate of the other estates sold 
under the private act of 1695, in a vain attempt to free Sir William 
Chaytor from debt, and Thomas Ogle, the purchaser from Killinghall, 
perhaps acquired it, at least he devises a moiety of the manor in 1725. 
To the subsequent title as shown by Mr. Surtees I cannot add anything. 

The Lambton arms form a conspicuous 
feature in the seal of the unlucky Sir 
William Chaytor, 
and Margaret Kil- 
linghall was so 
enamoured of her 
co-heirship that 
her seal 88 gives 
the Lambton crest 
in preference to 
that of her pa- 
ternal ancestry. 


VII. DENTON. As the evidences relating to the issue of WalCBr 
Denton, who married the other co-heiress of Menel, give the descent of 
that estate in Denton which the Tonges called a manor, and thus explain 
what was unsatisfactory to Mr Surtees and Mr. Walbran, I must say a 
word upon Denton generally. 

Denton and Ingleton formed one fee in the subinfeudation of the 
Baliol possessions, and afterwards Denton is generally found to be held 
of the Earls of Westmoreland, they again holding of the owners of 
Barnard Castle. But to this state of things there was an exception. 
Some lands called Arcelbrake and Cherrytree-meadow, which belonged 
in 1511 to the Surtees family, and afterwards to Brakenbury, are ex- 

85 Chaytor MSS. 
sv 2 Arch, m, 93. 

M 2 Arch. JE1., 94. 
88 Ibid., 100. 


pressly excepted in the Inquisitions as being held of the Nevils, as of 
their manor of Raby, in socage. 89 . I can only conjecture that they had 
obtained these lands from the church of Durham, since an early owner 
of Denton made the following grant for the use of the almoner : 

Jothlinus de Dentona monachis Dunelmensibus ad Elemosinariam 
eorum duo tofta et unum croftum in villa de Dentona, unum scilicet 
toftum cum crofto propinquiorem molendino versus orientem, et aliam 
toftum ex alia parte torrentis inter duas vias, et iiij or acras terras et 
dimidiam acram, et unam rodam et dimidium rod in magna cultura ex 
occidental! parte culturse, et unam acram terrse et septem perticatas de 
residuo acrae ad Holestan, quae tangit campum de Carleberhe, et pastu- 
ram octo bobus et iiij or vaccis et sequelae earum tribus annis, et centum 
ovibus et sequelae earum tribus annis, et sex porcis et exitui eorum 
unius anni, et duobus equis cum omnibus aliis communis predictse villae 
pertinentibus. Testibus, Thomae de Mundevilla, Waltero de Wessigton, 
Tlicardo et Eoberto Capellanis de Dentona. Meldredo de Wallwrth. [&C.] 90 

"William de Denton confirmed his father's grant, and gave other 
property for 15 years after 1211. Jollan de Denton is most probably 
the John of Surtees, who gave to "William his son and heir half of the 
chief messuage, orchard, and mill at Denton, which look very like manorial 

At a more recent period the daughter of Nicholas de Denton married 
Nicholas Brakenbury, and one of her descendants united the Surtees 
estate to what he already possessed, and his son married a co-heir of the 
Tempests who held a considerable estate under the Nevils. But to 
marshal such continually changing tenures would be endless. 

WALTER DE DENTON, 9I the above Nicholas, and one William de Den- 
ton, were all jurors at the Inq. p. m. of the Earl of Warwick in 1369-70. 
Walter had by his wife Alice, the co-heiress of Menel, an only daughter 
and heiress, 

JOAN DE DENTON, successively married to Threlkeld and Tailbois. 

89 Inq. 7 June, 3 Ruth. Tho. Surtees. 8 Aug. 3 and 4 Ph. and Mar. Anthony 
Brakenbury. 14 Dec. 13 Jac. Agnes Marshall. 

90 Almoner's Book. The grant of Prior Bertram of the premises to Martin the 
Carpenter of Denton, for his homage and service, at the rent of 13<, is printed 
in 3 Sur. 3. 

91 The following are probably some of his ancestry : 

Peter de Denton =p 

Walter fitz Peter de Denton, witnesses the charters of Jollan and William de Denton, 

Peter de Denton. =p 

I ' 

Walter fitz Peter de Denton, witn. to a charter relating to Stainton near Streatlam, in 1301, a 
juror on John Ballot's Inq., 1306. 

Richard de Denton, a juror on the Inq, on the 1st Earl of Warwick, 1315-6. 


VIII. THRELKELD. ROBEET THYEKELD stands as the name of 
Joan de Denton' s husband in the old pedigree. She had re-married 
Thomas Tailbois before 1426, when Kalph Nevil, the great Earl of 
"Westmoreland died seised of 27s., issuing out of land in Denton, with 
the service of Thomas Tailbois and other tenants there, which are 
held of the Earl of Warwick. 92 By charter dated 1 Aug., 1433, she 
and her second husband, Thomas Tailbois of Denton, agreed with Robert 
Lambton and Alice his wife to make partition of the lands at Stainton, 
reserving in common and undivided the manor-mill, a cottage and two 
acres near the church -yard, the common bakehouse, and wright's shop, 
the court, profits of court, and rents of free tenants, 
and the moors, marshes, and wastes. On the Dec. 
following, the same Joan and Thomas conveyed 
property in Staynton in the Street, Aclyffe, Karl- 
bury, and Wakirfeld, to John Threlkeld, her son 
and heir. To this conveyance, and to those here- 
after made by John Threlkeld the grantee, there 
is appended a seal bearing a flower or ornament of 
6 petals or leaves. 93 
JOHN THEELKELD or Thirkeld of Denton, " qui nunc est " when the 
old pedigree, our faithful guide, is made, gave to his sons Rowland 94 and 
John all his lands in Ingleton in 1470. In 1472 he and his wife Maud 
gave their lands in Staynton to their son John Thirkeld for life, charged 
with 6s. 8d. per annum to their daughter Agnes until she should many, 
and after John's decease to their sons Robert and Geoffrey. In 1473, 
John Threlkeld "of Denton, senior, Esq.," conveyed to Robert "Wyclyffe, 
Esq., Ralph Wyclyffe, Esq., Robert Thirkeld, son of the settler, John 
Thirkeld, jun., another son, Geoffrey Thirkeld, and three ecclesiastics, all 
his property in Denton, Staynton upon the Streyte, Aclyffe, Bolom, and 
Carlbery. By this, or some previous arrangement, a considerable settle- 
ment must have been made upon "William Thyrkelde, gent., the heir, 
for, in 1480, the latter conveyed to Robert Thyrkelde, his son and heir, 
all his lands in Staneton in the Strete, rendering yearly to the said 
William during the life of John Thyrkelde his father, 40s., in the vill 
of Preston in Awndernesse, in co. Lane. 95 William seals with a griffin 
passant, and was evidently in expectancy of an independent income on 
the death of old John, who, in 1481, once more uses the seal with the 

92 Walbran's Gainford, 114. 3 Chaytor archives. 

94 To whom, in 1471, William Bowhes, Esq., sealing with a bird, quit-claims 
property in Ingleton. (Chaytor archives.) 

95 Chaytor archives. 


hexapetalous flower to convey to his son John, and Katherine that son's 
wife, two tenements in Stanton in the Street. 98 

WILLIAM THYBKELDE, son and heir, has already heen noticed. 

ROBEBT THIBKELD, Esq., son and heir, in 1487-8, made another par- 
tition with the Lambtons of the demesnes of Staneton, and perhaps 

ROBEBT THIEKELD of Denton, Esq., who never appears to have thrown 
off the appellation of "the younger." In 1531 was made an indenture 
between Henry Yavasour and Margery his wife, late wife of Robert 
Thirkeld the younger, of Denton, Esq., deceased, and John Bainbrigge; 
whereby it is covenanted that Antonye Bainbrigge [of Snotterton, aged 
10, 1531] should marry Anne, daughter of the said Robert Thirkeld, 
and if Antony died, another son of the said John should espouse her, 
and if Anne died, Antony should marry one of the daughters of Vava- 
sour and Margaret, or some other gentlewoman of good progeny, by the 
advice of Robert Bowes and Thomas Menvell, executors of Robert 
Threlkeld's will. The trustees of this settlement were George, Robert, 
and Richard Bowes, Antony and Thomas Mennill, and Rauff son of the 
said Robert Thirkeld, deceased. I presume that this 

RALPH THIEKELD was the heir, but died without issue, and that his 
brother Robert succeeded him. 

Here a younger line, which appears in Dugdale's Durham Visitation, 
breaks off. 

[Robert] Thirkeld 

Robert Thirkeld, John Threlkeld of Evenwood. Will 10 May, 1592. To Jane. 

of Denton, 5 be buried at St. Helen Aukland to Annas, Elizabeth, I 

Eliz. utpote per and Jenett Threlkeld a why each Anthony Threlkeld | 

finem levat. 9 of West Auckland a why, with all the plough gear and ' -- 

Aug. id aim. in wain gear Anthony Ubank the same Annas Ubank Lancelot 

curia Dn. Re- Ubank. Wife Jane, and Anthony, William, and Jane Threlkeld, 

ginaeapudDun- executors (Sharp's MSS.) He is also said to have died 1572 per 

elm. inq. (Surtees* MSS.) I have examined the date of the will itself. 

Anthony Threl-=?=Jane, d. = Agnes Hodg- 2. William Threlkeld, d. a. p. 

keld of Even- 
wood, son and 
heir, died circa 

of .... 
co. of 


son, mar. 20 
Oct. 1599, at 
St. Helen's, 

3. John Threlkeld, d. inf. 
Jane, wife of . . Rutledge of Raby, co. 

John Threlkeld of Anne, dau. of John Young Jane, wife of Chr. Hewson of 
Dale, co. Cumb. I of Aymesbank, co. Cumb. Buckcroft, co. Cumb. 

96 Chaytor archives. 



1. Anthony 3. Edward Thirkeld of Durham, gent. Aged =pAnne, dau. of 

Willm. Bell 
of Durham, 
alderman ; 
mar. atWit- 
ton Gilbert 
9 Sep. 1643, 
liv. 1675. 

of Dale, co. 
Cumb. son 
and heir. 
2. John, d. 

42, 1666. Signed an address to Cromwell 
1658. Admin, renounced by his widow 
and taken by his son Edward 1675. En- 
tered his pedigree 1 666. Arms Argent, a 
maunch Gules, and a crescent for difference, 
within a bordure Sable. Crest a Turk's 
head Proper. [Can this possibly be a vile 

pun?] Surtees, in his MSS., says that he and his wife 

occur in Chancery Interrogations in 1692. 

wife of 


in Gils- 
land, co. 

"William, s. Edward Thirkeld, aged 16, 1666. Admitted 
and h. ag. June, 1670, then of Durham. Bur- at St. 
18, 1666, 15 Apr. 1682. 

? Taylor. 

Eleanor, bap. Taylor Thirkeld, of the =j= 
at St. Nich., Nolt-market, Newcas- 
Dur., 1 Feb. tie, gent. ; bap. at St. 
1676-7. Nic., Durham 22 Dec., 


2. Mary. Will, when a widow, 24 
July, 1743 nephew Tho. Snowdon 
a tankard with the Snowdon anna 
niece Mary Lawson, d. of Roger 

The Rev. Taylor Thirkeld, =F Dorothy, 

of Whickham when his 
marriage license was dat- 
ed 10 Oct. 1732 ; perpet- 
ual curate of Barnard Cas- 
tle 1740. 

dau. of 

Bacon of 


William Thirkeld, mentioned in Mrs. 
Mary Thirkeld' swill 1743, as "son of 
Rev.' Taylor Thirkeld." 

Eleanor, born 20 Ap. 
1704; mar. at St. 
Andrew's, Newcas- 
tle, 21 Aug. 1724; 
died at Gateshead 27 
Nov. 1776, aged 72; 
bur. at All Saints', 
Newcastle ; will 12 
Nov. 1776. 

=r= Blythman Adam- 
son of Newcastle, 
master mariner, 
&c. He was grand- 
father of the late 
Jno. Adamson,Esq 
of Newcastle, sen. 
secretary of the 
Soc. Ant. Newc. 

EOBEKT THIRKELD of Den ton, gent., as by fine levied at Durham on 9 
Aug. 1563. He married Isabella, daughter of William Tonge of Thickley, 
Esq., by Elizabeth, daughter of Henry Lord Clifford. She was of 
Inglebie in 1572, when she proceeded in the Durham Spiritual Court 
against her husband, the proceedings mentioning his (half) brother 
Thomas Vavisor, and stating that the defendant was then very ill. 97 I 
presume that he conveyed Denton to his wife's relations, as George 
Tonge, Esq., of Denton and Thickley, died seised of the manor in 1592." 
Threlkeld must have behaved as badly to his heir as to his wife, for, in 
1586, Anthony Eickardbye had succeeded to his moiety of Stain ton. 
Bickaby died seised of of it in 1594, when he was held of the queen's 
manor of Gainford in socage by one halfpenny rent." I have no par- 
ticulars of the recent descent of this moiety, and proceed to trace the 
Threlkelds in their decay. 

By his wife Isabel Kobert Thirkeld had issue : 100 

" Surtees' MSS. " 4 Sur. 2. 

100 12 Sharp's MSS. 184, from proceedings. 

3 Sur. 61. 


WILLIAM THEELKELD of Even-wood, who was married at St. Helen's, 
Auckland, on 4 Feb., 1594, to Margaret, daughter of Bryan Downes of 
Even wood, by Elizabeth, daughter of Anthony Wren of Birchester, and 
sister to Sir Charles Wren. William Threlkeld made his will 4 Jan. 
1613, making his wife and son Henry executors, and Sir Charles Wren, 
Knt., Henry Tonge, Esq., Mr. Bryan Downes, and testator's brother 
(in law) Mr. George Downes, supervisors. The inventory is dated 16 
Jan. following. 

HENEY THIEKELD had a devise from his father of all his lands ac- 
cording to the custom of the court, but an attempt to dispossess him 
was made by Lancelot Thirkeld, alias White, 101 and it is stated that 
Henry's wife was called Margaret. 102 On 21 Apr., 4 Car., this Henry, 
as son and heir of William Thirkeild, deceased, took a surrender of 1 1 
acres and other copyhold premises at Even wood, from Margaret the 
widow of William, who had a life estate by widow' s-right. 103 I cannot 
find any admittances of Henry's descendants, so he must have sold the 
premises, and, as Henry is an unusual name in the family, and comes 
into Tonge at the same time, no doubt from Clifford, I am inclined to 
identify him with Henry Thirkell of Tudhow, who was buried at 
Brancepeth, 20 Jan., 162 1. 104 

WILLIAM THEELKELD, clerk, was, I take it, son or grandson of Henry, 
because his family settled in Brancepeth, and the name of Henry occurs 
in his issue. He was chaplain to the Earl of Carlisle, and had the 
living of Startforth, but from family or other reasons, he served as 
curate of Brancepeth. " Aprill, 1675. Mr. William Thirkeld, curate of 
Brancepeth, sepult. in the Quire the 6 day." His successor at Startforth 
was presented on 29 Sep. in the same year. " Mrs. Thomasine Thirkeld, 
the widow of the Revd. William Thirkeld, aged 86, once curate of 

101 The following descent upon the Court Rolls may refer to his family ; 
Lancelot Thirkelt. ^= 

Lancelot Thirkelt, son and heir, admitted 10 =jr Kleanor Thirkelt, widow of Lancelot Thirkelt. 
Oct. 1632 to a hall (j e. the fore-room or j adm. to land at Evenwood south of Round 
'house') and chamber at Evenwood. Hill, 1650. 

Lancelot Thirkeld 

Thomas Thirkeld, cousin a-.d heir of Lancelot ThirkeM, viz , aon of Lancelot, son of Lancelot 
Thirkeld, adm. 25 Sep. 1679, to the land near Round Hill. 

James Thirkeld was a copyholder at Evenwood. === Anne. 

Margaret, wife of George Booth, adm. Eleanor, wife of .... Vicars. Her son John was 

as coheir 1712. the other coheir in 1712. 

102 12 Sharp's MSS. 184, from proceedings. 103 Court Rolls. 

10* Thomas Thirkell of Tuddoe, prohably his brother 


Thomas Thirkell, bap. at Brancepeth 17 Feb. 1621-2. Mary, bap. at Brancepeth 11 Aug. 1624. 


Brancepeth, died at Newcastle, Jany. 13, 1706, and was buried in Brance- 
peth church Jany. 16th, by the Rev. John Tonge, rector." 105 Born in 
1621, she might bear "William, "son of "Win. Threlkeld, subrector," in 
1671. But another child, Elizabeth, was baptized on 28 Sep. 1676 
(Sharp's MSS.), and another, Ralph, on 19 Feb. 1676-7 (Surtees' ex- 
tracts), and Edward Threlkeld's administration bond (See p. 98), dated 
14 May, 1675, is witnessed by John Thirkeld of Trewick, co. Nd., 
gent., and William Thirkeld, of the city of Durham, clerk. "Were 
there two "William Thirkelds, curates, father and son, and was the latter 
he who, according to family tradition, was connected with St. Nicholas' 
church in Durham, and was sometime in exile with Bishop Cosin ? 

The following children of a subrector are from the registers and from 
a list of the issue of the incumbent of Startforth, by his wife, "a 
French woman." loe 

Deodatus, of whom hereafter. 

Henry Threlkeld, of Brancepeth, skinner and glover, whose issue is 

given in a note. 107 

Israel, bur. 24 Oct. 1668, at Brancepeth. 
"William, bap. 4 Ap., bur. 3 Oct., 1671, at Brancepeth. 
"William, a doctor of medicine in Durham, ' died of a lithargy.' He had 

issue a son William, and he had issue a son of the same name, who 

died childless. 
Ralph, bap. 19 Feb., 1676-7, at Brancepeth. 

105 Copies of these registers have been obligingly supplied by the Rev. A. Duncombe 
Shafto, the present rector of Brancepeth. 

Inf. Mrs. Busby, 1822. 

107 The following is on the authority of a table-monument at Brancepeth and 
Mrs. Busby : 

HENRY THRELKELD of Brancepeth, skinner and glover, married Margaret Farding, and had 

William, who married the daughter of .... Watson of London, and died in 1770 (M. I.), 

aged 98? according to Mrs. Busby. Qu. a watchmaker near the New Exchange, in the 

Strand, 1728. 

Ralph, died unmarried. Qu. at the sign of the Oil-jar, in the Strand. 
Henry, died unm , hur. at Brancepeth 3 Ap. 1708. 
Thomas, died unm., hur. at Brancepeth 24 Dec. 1714. 
RICHARD, of whom presently. 
Margaret, eldest dau., died 1758 (M. I.) 
Jane, wife of .... Henderson. 
Anne, wife of .... Wind. 
Mary, wife of William Dean of London. 
Thomasine, wife of .... Harrison. 

RICHARD THRELKELD, horn at Brancepeth, was baptized there 3 Apr. 1697, and died there in 
June, 1786, aged 89 (M. 1.) He married Margaret, dau. of George Kobinson of Bishoptou she 
died 1770, aged 77, .M. I.), and had issue- 
Henry, who married Catherine Crow of London, and d. 8. p. 
William, d. s. p. 1807. aged 77 (M. I.) 
Margaret, d. unm. 1812, aged 81 ( M. I.) 

Isabella, wife of John Busby. He died 1805, aged 79. She was living in Bishopwearmouth 
1822, aged 89, " quite blind, but very perfect in intellect, and in good health," and com- 
municated a great portion of the Th'relkeld pedigree to John Brough Taylor, Esq. She 
had two children, Isabella Busby and Threlkeld Busby, 


Elizabeth, bap. 28 Sep., 1676, at the same place. I presume that this 
was the only daughter mentioned by Mrs. Busby, who married 
George Lonsdale of Quarrington Redhouse, yeoman. Their daughter 
Jane, who eventually was heiress of her father and brother, George 
Lonsdale of Manfield (buried there in 1733), married Richard Corn- 
forth of Quarrington, gent., who died in 1763, and was steward to 
Lord Seaforth. Of his descendants, something may be seen in the 
History of Darlington, xlix. 

DEODATTJS THRELKELD, or "Datis Thirkeld, who was born in 1657, 
and therefore probably in France, was a watchmaker in Newcas- 
tle," 108 erected a new clock with two painted dials in the steeple of 
All Saints' church in 1691, which cost 421. 3s., and he had a salary of 
50s. yearly for taking care of it. In 1696, he took down and set up 
the clock, adding wire, &c., and in 1703 he mended its hammers and 
made it strike. 109 In 1724 he was a freeholder of Tritlington, in 
Northumberland, and in 1728 we have the following curious paper in 
the handwriting of his son, by his first wife, Hannah Anderson : 

DIRECTIONS for my son Deod 9 Threlkeld to find his Grandfather in 
case of my Death. Aug. 26, 1728. 

You have two cousins in London, y e one "Wm. Threlkeld, living in 
y 6 Strand, near y new Exchange, Watchmaker, London ; y e oth r Ralph 
Threlkeld at the sign of y" oyll jarr in y e Strand, London; you may 
direct your letters to them for news of your Grandfather, or coppy of his 
will. I hope they will give you a true account, and which way to pro- 
ceed. There is in Newcastle your cousin Francis Batty, Goldsmith, 
living in the Side, in N.C. upon Tyne. I desire you to make the most 
use of him, he being my Attor? to take care of your Grandfather's Es- 
tate in case of his Death, therefor apply yourself to him for a copy of 
your Grandfather's will, and how all affairs concerning y r Grandfather's 
Estate ; but take the advice of Mr. Scott or Mr. Jn Tucker, or some 
our friends in Virginia before you proceed ; likewise you may make a 
friend of Mr. Robert Ilderston in N. Castle. 

In case you should go for England, y e nearest way is to London, and 
then inquire for the relations as above written and take their directions ; 
from London to N. Castle you may go in a Colier ship to Sheels, which 
is seven mile by water to Newcastle, and there enquire for y r friends as 
directed above ; from NC. to Morpeth is twelve miles by land ; from 
Morpeth, in Northumberland, to Tritlington- house, which is y r Grand- 
father's Estate, is three miles, but I do not question but (you) will have 
good encouragement before you come to Tritlington, that you may pro- 
ceed w 01 courage, and heir the estate of your Grandfather, which is your 
undoubted right, is the prayer of your affectionate father. 

Dcod 8 Threlkeld. 

The Estate of Tritlington is worth one Hundred Pounds per Annum, 

108 Mrs. Busby. " Sopwith's Ace. of All Saints' Church. 


and one Annuity of about Forty Pounds per Ann. Likewise my father 
sold a farm of land and house at Newburn, five miles from N. Castle, 
which was my mother's, for two Hundred Pounds, that was properly 
mine. My mother's maiden name was Hannah Anderson. 

"When you direct a letter to your Grandfather, direct for Mr. Deod' 
Threlkeld, to be left at Mr. Thos. Shipley's, Merch*., inMorpeth, North*. 

There is an old will of mine, made to my sister Hannah Milburn 110 
when I was Batchelor, and now in possession of Samu 1 Milbourn, Tin- 
man in N. Castle. I desire you go to him w th cousin Francis Batty and 
cancell y e same will by order of me. Deod 8 Threlkeld. 

Virgin" August y e 26, 1728. 

I copied this from a paper in the possession of old 
Mrs. Busby in Bp. Wearmouth Subscribed, "a true 
Copy of Mr. Threlkeld's Directions for his son Deod* 
Threlkeld." J. B. T. 4th May, 1824. 

"What came of these American heirs does not appear, but they did not 
get Tritlington, nor did the next heir. Old Deodatus, by his second 
wife Margaret, daughter of . . Ilderton, " had three children," John, 
Thomas, and Elizabeth. 111 On 30 Nov., 1731, John was privately mar- 
ried at Gateshead to Jane the daughter of Gawen Aynsley of Harnham, 
Esq., (by Jane daughter of William Ogle of Causey Park) to whom he 
had been introduced at Sir "Wm. Middleton's, Belsay Castle. The 
young couple were disinherited and deserted by their parents on both 
sides. Mr. Threlkeld recalled the money which he had lent to John to 
begin business with as a merchant in Newcastle. This put him into 
embarrassed circumstances, and Sir William Middleton procured him 
the situation of postmaster at Morpeth, which office he held till his death. 
His father died the year after the marriage, on 26 Feb., 1732, aged 75, 
and was buried in Hebburn Chancel (M. I.) His displeasure had 
caused him to disinherit John, and Tritlington was devised to a younger 
eon, Thomas, who married Anne Hunt, and resided at Popham, co. 
Southampton. In 1784 he sold all his property at Tritlington. 

JOHN THRELKELD lost the wife for whom he sacrificed his prospects, in 
1743. She was 45 years old when she died. He was remarried to her 
relation Dorothy, the daughter of Ralph "Wallis, of Copland Castle and 
Knaresdale, by Elizabeth Ogle; and in 1760, Henry Ogle of Cawsey 
Park, Esq., settled Netherhouses, near Elsden, on the pair and their son 

110 Of Armathwayte Castle, co. Cumberland. (Mrs. Busby.} See 2 Nich. and 
Burn, 342. Mrs. Busby makes John Threlkeld to be also by the first wife, but the 
monument at Hebburn is precise as to his being by the second. 

111 M. I. Hebburn. 


HENRY THRELKELD, ultimus suorum, died issueless a few years be- 
fore Mr. Hodgson wrote. The representation descended to his half- 
sister MARY, who married George Mitford, a surgeon of Morpeth. Her 
mother's family relented when it was too late. Her daughter ALICIA 
was devisee of the Aynsley estates, and married the Rev. Lord Charles 
Murray, who took the name of Aynsley. It is time for me to end my 
story : for if the hlood of Howard cannot always ennoble, how shall that 
of Murray suppress the effect of Dr. Eaine's bold life of Hodgson, to 
whose pages I am indebted for my closing descents. 


*,* One or two of the cuts in this article are from my History of Darlington. 
The rest have heen kindly presented by R. H. Allan, Esq., F.S.A., of Blackwell Hall, 
who quarters the arms of the owners of the Lamhton moiety of Stainton. 

f-J-t With reference to Middleton St. George (2 Arch, JEL), the division of Roland 
Baard's part between Walter de Kain and Robert de Middleton is explained. Bp. 
Pudsey granted Cornesho and Hethley to Simon the Chamberlain, who surrendered 
to the use of his nephews, Walter de Cadamo and Robert fitz Roger. In Boldon Buko 
they occur as Robert de Cadamo and Walter fitz Hugh de Cadamo. Bp. Poictou con- 
firmed the grant to them by their original names, as did King John in 1200. That 
they were the Walter de Kain and Robert de Midelton of the Testa de Nevil (inter 
1208-1217) seems evident by Hugh de Mideltun (doubtless the successor to Robert's 
moiety) confirming a grant of Walter de Kam at Cornshow to the church. 2 Sur. 
240 : GreenweWs Boldon Buke, 31, xliv. 

Roland Baard probably died issueless, as he grants " consilio nt.potum suorum" 
(Guisburne Cart. 298). From the grant of Sadberge to Pudsey, it appears that neptis, 
as applied to the heir of Godfrey Baard in ward to his uncle Ralph, in the Pipe Roll 
of Ric. I., should read ncpotis, as in that of 34 Hen. II. 

As to the descent of Killinghall from Baard, some land at Mainsforth was held 
by Peter Dautry in 1361, by 8s. 4d. Ralph, son of Roland Bart, was his heir, under 
age (3 Sur. 17). Now at Hatfield's Survey we have " Thomas Walworth, forthe lands 
of Master "William Walworth, 8*. Gd." Further, in 1652 Margaret Killinghall seals 
with the raguly bend between two garbs only, the exact coat of Walworth. Chaytor 




My Lord, Faile not to gett John Harrison of Scarbrough put in the 
Act of Attainder, being one of those that satt in theire trayterous 
Court to sentence the late King, and left out of the act by a notable 
jugle. There will come to your Lordship by it about 3,OOOJ. There is 
a printed sheet called the Great Memoriall, with the list of the names of 
those pretended judges, will shew him to your Lordship. I shall ac- 
quaint your Lordship with other things at your coming into the 
Country which will be very advantagious. If Mr. Davison depart this 
life, as is feared, I shall propound that for the Stewardship of your 
Halmot Courts which will be very acceptable. So recommending the 
presumption herein to your Lordship's pardon, shall only for the pre- 
sent tell you I am The humblest of your Lordship's servants. TOBIE 
CEADOCKE. Gainford Hall, the llth of April, 1671. To the Rt. Rev. 
Father in God John Lord Bishop of Durham, at his Lordshipp's house 
in the Pall Mall, in Westminster, These. 

BISHOP Cosnr 10 ME. 

April 25, 1671. Mr. Stapylton, I have received yours of the 21st 
inst., and am of the same opinion that you are touching Mr. Tobie 
Cradock his wild letter against young Harrison, upon whom he would 
revenge himselfe by giving him and mee a vaine trouble about him. I 
think the father Harrison was an errant knave and rebell against the 
King and a great stickler against mee in Mr. Smart's business : but the 
Act of Indemnity pardoned him, and it was a mad motion for any man 
without more adoe, to lid me not faile but put him into the Act of At- 
tainder, though he were now alive, who you say is dead 7 years since, 
yet you say not where you had the intelligence, both about the father 
and the son. It is not so easy a matter as Mr. Tobie Cradock may imagine 
to get an act of parliament for any man's attainder that hath been par- 
doned, and especially if he have been dead so long since. Yours, &c., 


1 From copies in Mr. J. Brough Taylor's MSS. Mr. Cradock died in August and 
the Bishop in January succeeding the date of the letters. 



IN the present paper I purpose to confine my attention entirely to the 
municipal history of Newcastle. Its general history, indeed, is almost 
a blank, from the foundation of the castle till the reign of Stephen, with 
the exception, of the incidents which connect it with the rebellion of 
Robert de Mowbray in the reign of "William Rufus ; and these belong 
rather to the history of the castle than the town. The narrative of our 
local annalists during the reign of William the Conqueror rather requires 
retrenchment than additions. Brand, on the worse than doubtful au- 
thority of Warburton, describes three expeditions of that king into 
Northumberland, in 1068, 1070, and 1072 ; whereas none of our early 
historians give us the slightest reason to suppose that he ever crossed 
the Tyne, except in the last of these years. The story of the destruction 
of Monkchester, and the defeat of Edgar Atheling on Gateshead Fell, 
are gratuitous fictions, unsupported by a particle of evidence. 

The municipal history is not free from obscurity ; but the ready access 
which is now afforded to public documents of every kind, enables us to 
investigate it, at the present day, under circumstances much more ad- 
vantageous than formerly. Of these I shall avail myself in endeavour- 
ing to trace the progress of the municipality from its original institution 
till the establishment of the mayoralty, applying myself in the first 
instance to ascertaining the latter epoch with as much precision as 

Our list of mayors commences with the year 1251, and it has been 
generally assumed that the office originated in that year. From an in- 
spection of the public records, however, it is clear that there was a 
mayor of Newcastle at least eight years earlier. In the 28th of Henry 
III. we find the mayor of Newcastle and Robert de Crepping acting as 
custodes of the castle ; and a writ is preserved in the Originalia of that 
year (A.D. 1243), directing them to sell the corn and wine there deposit- 
ed, and to account for the proceeds at the Exchequer. In the Pipe 
Rolls of the same year they are accordingly charged with 40 quarters of 
corn and 245 casks of wine the former valued at 81. , the latter at 
479/. Ss. 'id. 



"We know from the charter of the 18th of Henry III., to be referred 
to hy and by, that no mayor existed in 1233 ; and having ascertained 
the existence of that office ten years later, we have fixed the era of its 
establishment in some one of the intermediate years ; but beyond this 
we have no accurate data to guide us. 

Dismissing, then, this branch of our investigation, let us next inquire 
what was the nature of the municipal government, and who were the 
presiding officers, before the chief authority of the corporation was vested 
in the mayor. With this view, let us first refer to the statements of 
those who have preceded us in the same inquiry. 

"Whatever government," says Bourne, "was in this town in the 
times of the Saxons and Danes, it is certain that after the Conquest it 
was governed by bailiffs." Brand, on the authority of Hardyng, dates 
the existence of Newcastle as a borough or corporate town from the reign 
of William Rufus ; but he acquiesces in the view of his predecessor, 
that from the time of its incorporation the civil government was admin- 
istered by bailiffs, while the privilege of electing mayors was conferred 
upon the burgesses by Henry III. 

We find, however, from the "Laws and Customs of Newcastle" in 
the reign of Henry I., that the chief civil officer at that period was the 
provost (praposilus) ; and in the Pipe Rolls of Henry II., we have 
frequent mention of Gerard, the provost of Newcastle. Anskitel, the 
provost of Newcastle, occurs somewhat earlier in the same reign, in a 
grant from Roger de Merley to the priory of Durham. 

But we have no notice whatever of bailiffs. The important charter 
granted by King John to the burgesses of Newcastle, in his 17th year, 
still recognizes the provost as the chief magistrate of the town, and con- 
fers upon him a concurrent jurisdiction with the sheriff of Northumber- 
land in cases of violation of the municipal privileges. 

The earliest record of bailiffs of Newcastle is found in the Close Rolls 
of the 7th of John ; but here they are expressly described as bailiffs of 
the port of Newcastle, and not of the town. They were, in fact, revenue 
officers, appointed to collect the customs of the port a branch of the 
national income which then first became of importance. In the reign of 
Henry III., the bailiffs of Newcastle frequently occur, without any 
designation connecting them specially with the port; but they never 
appear in any character inconsistent with their position as fiscal officers, 
nor have we any evidence of their discharge of magisterial functions. 
On the election of a mayor they still continued to be appointed as before, 
whilst the office of provost was certainly abolished. The mayor, in 
short, superseded the provost, and not the bailiffs, the duties of mayor 


and provost being identical, and the only apparent distinction between 
them consisting in this that the former was elected by the burgesses, 
whilst the latter was appointed by the Crown. As the customs increased 
in importance as a branch of revenue, the bailiffs were relieved of a 
portion of their duties by the appointment of customers or collectors ; 
and finally, at the commencement of the fifteenth century, they were 
superseded in their remaining functions by a sheriff who, like the 
mayor, was chosen by the burgesses. 

In a previous paper, I have drawn attention to Hardyng's account of 
the establishment of the borough by William Rufus, and his statement 
that, having liberally contributed to the settlement of the burgesses, 
" he franchised them to pay a free rent out." This expression has been 
construed by Brand to mean that he granted them the borough in fee 
farm ; but such was certainly not the case, for the Pipe Rolls supply us 
with abundant evidence that instead of being held by the burgesses in 
fee, it was held for more than a century after, by successive sheriffs of 
Northumberland, during pleasure. In the 2nd of John, the burgesses 
made a strenuous effort to obtain a grant in fee, and proffered one hun- 
dred marks and two palfreys for a charter conferring that boon which 
was actually granted, but subsequently repudiated. The charter, after 
the usual enumeration of the titles of the grantor, runs thus : " Know 
that we have delivered to farm to the burgesses of Newcastle upon Tyne, 
the ville of Newcastle upon Tyne, for sixty pounds in number, which 
used to return fifty pounds in number, to have and to hold," &c., &e. 
Brand says : " It is observable that 50/. is called in this charter the 
ancient fee farm of Newcastle ;" but this is an error. In the entry on the 
Pipe Rolls, indeed, by which the charter is superseded, the 501. is called 
" the antient farm ;" but this is explained by the context to mean, not 
the " antient fee farm," but the ancient farm or rent paid by the sheriff. 
The entry is as follows : " The men of Newcastle upon Tyne proffer 
one hundred marks and two palfreys for having the ville of Newcastle 
upon Tyne in their own hands, by the old farm namely, 501. and IQL 
of increment and for having confirmation of their liberties, which they 
have by the charter of Henry, the king's father. But afterwards it was 
ordered by the king's writ, which is in the mareshal's forule, that neither 
the above farm nor the increment shall be exacted from them, because 
the king has granted to the sheriff that he shall answer for the farm of 
the said ville, as he used before the increment was imposed." At the 
same time, the "mon of Corbridge" and the "men of Rothbury" severally 
bargained to hold their respective manors at the ancient farm and incre- 
ment ; but there is no pretence for saying that in either of these cases 


the ancient farm was a fee farm ; for we know directly the reverse, both 
having heen held from year to year by the sheriff. The arrangements 
with these two manors, and similar ones with Newburn, the city of Car- 
lisle, and the several Crown manors in Cumberland, were all equally 

Are we, then, to reject Hardyng's evidence ? or, if not, how are we to 
understand the term, " free-rent," if it does not mean fee-farm rent ? 
These questions will be answered by a reference to the details of the 
foundation of a town de novo, which are fortunately still on record : not 
indeed in the reign of William Rufus, but as early as that of Edward the 
First the town of Winchelsea. 1 Here we find that the site of the town 
was not granted as a whole, in fee farm, but that it was divided into plots, 
which were apportioned amongst the burgesses, and a specific " free-rent" 
reserved from each. It is very remarkable, that not only does the term 
"free-rent" occur in the report of the commissioners appointed to super- 
intend the transaction, but the very expression " franchised," which is 
used by Hardyng, occurs in precisely the same sense in their instruc- 
tions, under which they are to set out, " franchise, and fix a rent on" 
the several sites. Tinder this system, each burgess would pay a definite 
free-rent for his own tenement ; but the aggregate amount would fluc- 
tuate with the number of burgesses the sheriff, during his tenancy, 
having the benefit of any increase. This beneficial interest would, of 
course, be transferred in perpetuity to the burgesses under a fee-farm ; 
and hence the anxiety with which they sought to obtain this object. 
At length their persevering efforts were crowned with success ; and in 
the year 1213 (llth of John) they obtained a charter, under which the 
borough was granted to them in fee-farm ; not, indeed, at the ancient 
farm of 50/., or with an increment of Wl. only, but at the advanced 
rent of IQQl. per annum such sum to be paid by their own hands into 
the Exchequer, without the intervention either of the sheriff of North- 
umberland or the constable of the castle. This mention of the constable 
of the castle arises from this circumstance : That when Roger Fitz- 
Richard held the office, he had assigned to him a salary of 20/., which 
was paid to him yearly, from the 4th to the 21st of Henry II., by the 
sheriff, out of the farm of the borough. His successors, instead of this 
salary, had the manor of Newburn assigned to them during their tenure 
of office, of the assessed yearly value of 50/., until the 2nd of John, when 
that manor was granted in fee to Robert Fitz-Roger, then sheriff, under 
the reserved rent of 30/., to be paid to the constable of the castle. 

1 Printed by Mr. Parker, in vol. ii, of Domestic Architecture. 


Besides the burgage tenements, there were within the borough three 
pieces of land which were granted by David King of Scotland, during 
the occupation of Newcastle by the Scots in the reign of Stephen, to the 
nuns of St. Bartholomew, the brethren of the Hospital of Newcastle, and 
to Gervase the physician. After the recovery of the northern counties 
by Henry II., the validity of David's grants was not acknowledged, al- 
though for some time the occupiers were unmolested. At length, in the 
12th year, as we learn from the Pipe Rolls, these properties were seized 
by the Crown as escheats, and farmed by the sheriff. In the charter of 
the 2nd of John, which bears date the 9th of February, no notice is taken 
of them ; and it seems to have been understood that they were not in- 
cluded in the grant of the borough, as they had not been held under the 
ancient rent by the sheriff. Accordingly on the 12th of the same month 
a second charter was granted, reiterating the substance of the first, and 
including a concession of these escheats in fee, at the same rents which 
had been paid by the sheriff namely, 21. Us. G^d. for the first parcel, 
11. 19s. 5d. for the second, and 1L 0. O^d. for the third, giving a total 
of 51. 10*. Qd. 

The second charter, as well as the first, is enrolled in chancery ; but 
both were equally repudiated, and the escheats were granted four years 
afterwards to Kempe, the king's ballister or engineer, in compensation 
for his services until he could be provided for in marriage. They were 
again included in the grant of the borough in the 14th year; but no 
rent was reserved, as they had to be applied in compensating those bur- 
gesses whose tenements had been taken from them, in extending the 
defences of the castle and forming a moat. Out of this grant are re- 
served " the rents, prizes, and assizes of the port," as was usual in all 
similar cases. 

If any written charter was granted to Newcastle, either by William 
Rufus or his successor, Henry I., no trace of it is to be found ; but it is 
not the less certain that in the reign of the latter the burgesses were in 
possession of important and well defined privileges. These are enumer- 
ated in a document which has descended to our time, under the title of 
" The Laws and Customs which the Burgesses of Newcastle upon Tyne 
had in the time of Henry King of England, and which they ought to 
have." It is in the nature of an inquisition or report as to laws and 
customs already established, and not of a prospective grant. There can 
be little doubt that it was the result of an inquiry instituted by David 
King of Scotland, or by his son Henry Earl of Northumberland, in the 
reign of Stephen, as it is certainly the foundation of the celebrated Leges 
Burgorum enacted by the former for the government of his four boroughs 


of Edinburgh, Roxburgh, Berwick, and Stirling. It served, also, as a 
model for the charters granted by Hugh Pudsey, Bishop of Durham, to 
his burgesses of Gateshead and Sunderland, and by the Archbishop of 
of York to those of Beverley. 

Two ancient transcripts of the Laws and Customs of Newcastle are 
preserved : one amongst the Tower records of Henry II. ; the other in 
the cartulary of the monastery of Tynemouth, in the possession of the 
Duke of Northumberland. Brand had only access to the latter copy, 
which is exceedingly faulty and inaccurate, the sense in one instance 
being altogether perverted by the change of a single letter. This mis- 
take occurs in a clause which provides for the recovery of debts due from 
a non-burgess to a burgess, and which commences with these words : 
" If a burgess shall have lent," the expression in the Tower copy being 
accommodaverit. In the Tynemouth transcript a different expression is 
employed conveying, however precisely the same meaning, if correctly 
written adcredaverit ; but by substituting an e for a c, the scribe has 
produced the word aderedaverit, which Brand naturally enough renders, 
" If a burgess shall have inherited;" an interpretation, however, entirely 
inconsistent with the context. The phraseology of the two MSS. differs 
in many respects ; and in some instances the perusal of the Tynemouth 
copy may aid us in understanding the other. 

David seems to have established, in general terms, the laws and cus- 
toms of Newcastle within his boroughs, and then to have ascertained, 
as far as possible, what those laws and customs were, by inquisition. 
Cases, however, must have frequently arisen whicli were not provided 
for under any of the articles reported by the inquest ; and in such cases 
it was natural that the parties who were thus left in doubt as to the 
legal solution of a difficulty, should apply to the constituted authorities 
in Newcastle for information. That such was the case in several 
instances, we know on surer ground than plausible conjecture. In the 
valuable edition of the Acts of Parliament of Scotland, published by the 
Record Commission, will be found several important provisions of law, 
communicated from time to time by the burgesses of Newcastle to 
various Scotch boroughs, in answer to their applications for instruction. 
These applications were not confined to the four boroughs incorporated 
by David, but included others from towns in the North of Scotland, to 
which this code must afterwards have been extended. In the same 
volume of Scotch statutes will be found, in convenient juxtaposition 
for comparison, the Leges flurgorum and the Laws and Customs of 

To the Tynemouth copy of the latter is appended an interesting table 


of tolls and dues. This is not comprised in the Tower MS., but was 
adopted by David, with some trivial alterations, and is annexed to 
the Leges Burgorum under the following title: f'Assisa David Regis 
Scottorum, facta apud Novum-Castrum super Tinam." The Leges Bur- 
gorum themselves are not expressly stated to have been made at New- 

Henry II. granted a charter of liberties to the burgesses of Newcastle. 
No copy of it now exists ; but its tenor is known from a confirmation 
charter by King John, the immunities conceded being freedom from tolls, 
pontage, and weighage dues, and all customs in respect of all goods 
which the burgesses could identify as their own in any part of the 

King John's charters to Newcastle are numerous of which three were 
granted in his second year, the confirmation charter of the liberties con- 
ferred by his father, and the two charters respecting the fee-farm. The 
first two were tested at Newcastle the third at Alnwick. Besides the 
hundred marks and two palfreys proffered as a consideration for the 
charters, the "men of Newcastle" greeted the presence of their sover- 
eign amongst them by the tender of forty marks and two palfreys as a 
welcome. The charter of the llth year, by which the fee-farm of the 
town was ultimately secured, was tested at Stockton on the 5th of 
February. By another charter, of uncertain date, not now in existence, 
John conferred the privilege of an annual fair for two days at Lammas. 

Besides the charters enrolled on the Chancery records, there is at the 
Tower a large bundle of original grants of fairs. This bundle I have 
caused to be examined, to ascertain whether it contained this grant of 
a fair to the burgesses of Newcastle ; but without success. That such 
a grant was made in this reign, appears from a charter of Edward II., 
by which the duration of the fairs is extended from two days to twenty- 

In his 17th year, and within a few months of his death, John granted 
the comprehensive charter under which, besides the acquisition of many 
important privileges, and the confirmation of all which had been pre- 
viously obtained, a merchant's guild was established. This charter was 
tested at Durham on the 28th of January. 

In the 18th of Henry III., the burgesses had a charter confirming 
their privileges, as they enjoyed them in the preceding reign, without 
the addition of any new ones. 

Besides these charters, the burgesses of Newcastle obtained from the 
Crown, during the same period, several special privileges, for which, on 
each occasion, they rendered a pecuniary equivalent. 


In the 17th of Henry II., they paid seven marks, that two smithies 
(fabricae) might stand during their pleasure. In the 4th of John, they 
paid twenty marks for liberty to buy and sell webs of cloth. In the 
14th of John, they rendered four palfreys, that they might be excused 
from an amercement of one hundred marks, to which they were liable 
nnder the forest laws. In the 19th of Henry III., they paid one 
hundred marks for the privilege that in future no Jew should reside 
amongst them. Besides these occasional payments, and over and above 
their annual rent, they were subject to many heavy exactions, under 
the name of dones, aids, and tallages. The following is a complete list 
of such as were levied in the reigns of Henry II., Richard I., and John : 

4 Henry II., a done 20 m. 

5 " ditto . ..40 


ditto 10 

ditto 10m. 

ditto 40 m. 

an aid for the marriage of the king's daughter 60m. 

an aid 40 m. 

a tallage 60 ui. 

7 Richard I., an aid for the king's ransom 1 00 m. 

8 " ditto 100 m. 

10 " a tallage 100 m. 

1 John, a tallage 1 00 m. 

8 " ditto 92 13 4 

15 " ditto 212 

Reign of Henry II 203 6 8 

Richard I 200 

John 398 

801 6 8 

During the reign of Henry III., there were thirteen tallages, ranging 
in amount from forty marks to 120?., and producing altogether 980?. : 
viz., anno 3, 40m. ; 7, 120?. ; 11,1001.; 14,100?.; 19,100?.; 23, 
100m.; 25, 100m.; 31, 100m.; 34, 100m.; 37, 100m. 40, 100?.; 45, 
100?. ; 53, 100?. 

Having had occasion to notice the escheats which were granted to the 
burgesses of Newcastle, it may not be amiss to recapitulate such other 
properties within the borough as came to the Crown by escheat or other- 
wise, during the reigns of Henry II., Richard, John, and Henry III. 

In the 21st of Henry II., we first meet with the house of Gospatric, 
for the rent of which, for two years, the sheriff pays 5?. 8s. 6^., being 
at the rate of four marks annually. The same rent is paid yearly until 
the 31st year, when 1?. Os. 8d., only is accounted for; and no further 
payment occurs. The house seems to have been applied to some public 
purpose ; for three years afterwards we find a charge of 16?. " for build- 
ing a stone house, which is amongst the escheats in the king's hands ; 


and no return in the shape of rent was ever received after this large 

In the 6th of Richard I., the house of William the moneyer was 
escheated, and produced a mark annually. In the 10th of Henry III., 
it was occupied by Fitz-Alan at the same rent. In the latter year 
another house, late the property of the same William, produced two 
marks, being in the occupation of Emma de Benham, with the wardship 
of the heirs of Hugh Bennet. In the 12th year, the rent of the former 
house is raised to 1 1. William the moneyer was the lessee of the mines 
of Cumberland, and was indebted to the Crown an enormous sum for 
arrears of rent. Both houses remained in the hands of the Crown, and 
produced twenty shillings and two marks per annum respectively, till 
the end of the reign. 

From the 5th of Henry III. till the end of the reign, the sheriff ac- 
counts for the rent of the two houses of Walter the dyer and William 
Fitz-Hugh, the former producing sixpence and the latter twopence an- 

Two messuages in Newcastle were held of the Crown by Philip de 
Ulecot in the reigns of John and Henry III., as appurtenant to his 
offices of coroner and forester of the county of Northumberland. After 
his death, in the 5th of the latter reign, his sisters paid a fine of twenty 
marks for livery of his estates, including these two messuages. 

In the 41st of Henry III., several parties, who occupied parcels of 
land in Newcastle for which no rent had been previously paid, were 
charged with an annual payment. Jordan the clerk was charged forty 
shillings for the current year, and ten for the five years preceding. 
Walter the smith two shillings, and twelve shillings arrears for six years. 
William de Coventry 2s. 6d., and fifteen shillings arrears. Master 
Robert de Hampton and Jordan the clerk, half a mark for rent of a 
parcel of land. The same Robert de Hampton two pence for the rent 
of another parcel of land adjoining the gaol of Newcastle. 

In the 55th year, the men of Newcastle paid a mark for the rent of 
a certain field called " Le Fry the" 2 for the current year, and a mark for 
the year preceding, the field being held by them during the king's 

Most of these escheats are doubtless incapable of being assigned to 
any particular locality, and an enumeration of them may possibly be 
deemed superfluous. One however, at least, affords some data for iden- 

2 The name of the Forth down to the 17th century. The crown title to this ancient 
scene of municipal festivity was kept on foot to the close of the same period. Its 
history is minutely detailed in Extracts from the Municipal Accounts, in Kichardaon'a 
tracts. Ed. 


tification ; and the inspection of old deeds may possibly lead to further 
discoveries. When Gray wrote his Chorographia, he tells us : " In 
the middle of the Side is an antient stone house, an appendix to the 
castle, 3 which in former times belonged to the Lord Lumleys, before the 
castle was built, or at least coetany with the castle." Surely we have 
here the identical stone house built on the site of the mansion of Gos- 
patric. It was the boast of the Luruley family that they were of the 
kindred of the Saxon earls of Northumberland, amongst whom the great 
Gospatric held so distinguished a position; and although we cannot 
assign a place in the Lumley pedigree to " Gospatric of Newcastle," 4 the 
presumed owner of this mansion, who nourished in the reign of Henry 
I., there is ample space for his introduction into the pedigree, without 
unduly crowding the time-honoured stem. 


3 In Gray's MS. corrections to his Chorographia, printed in the first report of our 
Society, the words " an appendix to the castle " are cancelled, and the description 
" in the head of the Side " added at the end of the paragraph. During the recent 
destruction of houses at the Head of the Side, a large oblong stone building, with 
windows of the 14th century, was revealed behind the shop of Mr. Dickinson, the to- 
bacconist, (No. 128 on Oliver's plan), and Mr, Ventress secured sketches of it. Ed. 

"The kings of England reside at the Side, an appendage to the Castle, since cal- 
led Lumley Place, being afterwards the habitation of the Lords Lumlies." 3 Pen 
nant's Scotland, 306. 

* 31 Hen. I. Gospatricius de Novo Castello dehet 20ra. argenti ut purgaret se de 
judicio ferri per sacramentum. Between 31 Hen. I. (1130-1) to 1174, 43 years 
elapsed. In the latter year "the king (of Scotland) had very soon the castle of Ap- 
pleby. There were no people in it, but it was quite unguarded. Gospatric fitz Horm, 
an old grey-headed Englishman, was the constable; he soon cried mercy" (Jordan 
Fantosme). In 21 Hen. II., at the end of 1175, the sheriff of Northumberland 
accounts for the rent of the house of Gospatric de Novo Castello, newly escheated, in 
respect of two years. In 22 Hen. II. (1176), Gospatric fitz Orm accounted in the 
Westmoreland Pipe Rolls for 500 marks amerciament, because he yielded the king's 
castle of Appleby to the King of Scots. In 1 179 he had reduced this sum to 20 marks. 
In the roll of 1183 his name is wanting. In 1185 the sheriff of Northumberland 
accounts for half a year's rental of the house of Gospatric and we hear of it no more, 
unless it be the stone house made at Newcastle in 1138, which house is in the king's 
hands inter escheatas. 

If Gospatric of Newcastle and he the son of Orm were identified by these entries, 
it would seem probable that the house was seized as security for the fine, and after 
the debtor's payment, or death before payment, was, for some time, occupied by the 
king, who caused its dilapidations to be amended by a new structure. Gospatric's 
father Orm was son of Ketel, and is said to hav j married Gunilda the daughter of Earl 
Cospatric, and originated the Curwens. 

But if the identity could be established, it does not follow that Gospatric is alto- 
gether severed from the Lumley pedigree. The pedigrees prepared for Lord John 
Lumley, who provided the fictitious effigies and portraits for his ancestors, do indeed 
identify Uchtred de Lumley with Uchtred the son of the murdered Lyulph. Yet 
there is no evidence of this ; the chronology requires another generation, and Lord 
Lumley's own evidences begin with Uctred son of Orm. The Lumleys of Great 
Lumley descended from Uctred, but the Lumleys of Lumley Castle perhaps descended 
from his brother Osbert. Ed. 




Latin, Breve originate : English, Originall sinne. 2. Capias : A catch 
to a sad tune. 3. Alias Capias: Another to the same : 4. Pluries cap- 
ias : At him again. 5. Breve de exigendo : A forc'd put. 6. Proclamatio: 
O yes ! 7. Supersedeas : Unsaddle the horse. 8. Capias utlegatum : 
A rope and butter. 9. Venire facias : A red coat. 10. Habeas corpus : 
A trooper. 11. Subpoena ad testificandum : Shame the devill. 12. 
Capias ad satisfaciendum : A hangman. 13. Breve de Errore : A sec- 
tary. 14. Ex. post ca. [Ex post facto?] : Poynt of death. 15. Capias 
utlegatum post judicium : Hell. 16. Latitat : Bopeep : 17. Pone: A 
broker. 18. Distringas : A tax. 19. Magnum cape: A strong hand. 
20. Breve devisu: Pauls steeple. 21. Breve de seisina : Let him in. 
22. Breve de eligendo : Free will. 23. Compurgators : Goldsmiths' 
hall. 24. Fieri facias : Sweepstakes. 25. Vendicioni exponas : An 
outcry. 26. Son tort demesne : Thank yourself. 27. Capias in with- 
ernam : A leveller. 28. Non omittas : Catch as catch may. 29. Corpus 
cum causa : Body and soul. 30. Procedendo : As you were. 31. 
Certiorari : Whip the gigg. 32. Accedas ad curiam : Come to court. 
33. Chance medlie : Habnab. 34. Scandalum magnatum : Down with 
the lords. 35. Ne exeat regmim : Nere stir. 36. Audita querela : A 
sad story. 37. Vi laico amovendo : A presbyter. 38. Breve de nocu- 
mento : Stop your nose. 39. Mort d'auncestcr : A K- ntisli eas* 1 , Gavel- 
kind. 40. Breve de heritico comburendo : I'le be burned first. 41. 
Annua pencione : Once a year. 42. Breve de contribucione : Contribu- 
tion money. 43. Breve de convencione : A blew bonnet. 44. A curia 
claudenda : Withdraw. 45. Decies tantum : Ten to one. 46. Dedi- 
mus potestatem : A rebell. 47. Breve de dote: Give the devill her 
due : 48. Breve detencione : Hold fast. 49. hreve de debito : Mortall- 
sinne. 50. Non compos mentis : Bedlam. 51. Ejeccione firmae : A house 
of office. 52. Scaccarium: A game at chess. 53. Indentitate nominis: 
Y'ar mistaken, Sir. 54. Moderata misericordia : A neck verse. 55. 
Melius inquirendum : Goe, look. 56. Nisi Prius: First come, first 
served. 57. Partitione facienda : Share stakes. 58. Quid juris clamat: 
Justice, Justice. 59. Perambulacione facieuda : Walk, knave, walk. 

1 From a contemporary copy in 2 J. J. "Wilkinson's MSS., a collection of plead- 
ings made by Mr. Nicholas -Richardson of Dtirham. 


60. Quominus: He would if he had it. 61. Quod permittat : A ly- 
cence. 62. Quo warranto : For whose sake. 63. Breve de recto: A 
case of pistolles. 64. Excommunicato capiendo : Take him, divell. 
65. Significavit : Wherefore. 66. Ne injuste vexas : A cucking stoole. 
67. Non molestando : Let him alone. 68. Breve de abjuracione : The 
divell and 's works. 69. Abridgement del plaint : Short-hand. . 70. 
Demurrer: Hum and haw. 71. Ad quod dampnum : "Who hurts 
yow. 72. Admensuracione pasturae : A surveyor. 73. Conservator 
del truce: A personall treaty. 74. Horne-geld: The city charity. 
75. Libertate probanda : A sword by my side. 76. Negativa preg- 
nans : A shift. 77. Premuniri : Tak't for a warning. 78. Retraxit : 
The cart before the horse. 79. Continuall clame : Jack Lilburne the 
safe key. 80. Finem fecit: Turn the ladder. 81. Breve de vasto : 
The prodigall child. 82. Capias ad computandum : A reckoning. 
83. Quare impedit : Want of money. 84. Diem clausit extremum : 
Dooms Day. 85. Tenura in capite : Little witt. 86. Clergie : What 
yow will. 87. Concubinage : Fellow-feelers. 88 Conjuratio : The 
English Merlyn. 89. Rebutter : Ware horns. 90. Difeazance : A 
cheate. 91. Juris utrum: Whether or noe. 92. Justicies : Right or 
wrong. 93. Homicide : Run him through. 94. Hustings : A crowde. 
95. Injunction : A bit or bridle. 96. Joynt tenants : Fellow saints. 
97. Allegiance : Out of dores. 98. Prochin Amy : A friend in need. 
99. Decimse : A parson's piggs or tythe hempe. 100. Usuria : Six in 
the hundred. 

London, Printed for G. T. 1652. 



Monthly Meeting, 6 May, 1858. 
John Hodgson Hinde, Esq., Y.P., in the Chair. 

READ. A letter stating that the Treasurer's letter of application for 
the Roman altars at Beltingham had been submitted to the Rev. Mr. 
Clarke, the incumbent of that place, who, with the full concurrence of 
the Bishop of Durham, had much pleasure in presenting them to the 
Society. THE REV. WM. IVES, Incumbent of Haltwhistle. 

Observations on the Saxon poem of Beowulf. The Rev. D. H. HAIGH. 
The following is an abstract of some of Mr. Haigh's opinions. 

The heroes of the poem are real personages, and those English, and it 
seems to have been composed originally in England before the close of 
the 6th century, by a Northumbrian, who was familiar with the scenes 
he describes and acquainted with contemporaries of some of those en- 
gaged in them (see line 3892-5). In its present form the MS. of the 
work may be of the 10th century, but it retains many characteristics 
of the early Northumbrian Saxon words which appear on the Ruthwell 
and Bewcastle crosses. There is no allusion to later events, and except- 
ing a few passages, probably introduced after the christianization of 
Northumbria, the poem is in substance intact. Mr. Kemble showed 
that Saxo's attempt to weave the names occurring in its pages into the 
Scandinavian histories was a failure. The circumstances of the fall of 
Hygelac accord with the narrative of Gregory of Tours, a contemporary 
of the author, and the poem is matter of history, allowing for the genius 
of a people with whom an earthquake was the struggle of imprisoned 
spirits, and the flash of a meteor the flight of a dragon. 

The dates of 428 for the coming of Hencgest and 467 for the accession 
of Arthur bring the British and Saxon accounts into accordance. They 
fix the date of Gannund's war in 506, and he may be identifical witb, 
Garmund of the poem (1. 3928), and alluded to in the name of Gar- 
mondsway Moor. Following the indications which Layamon supplies, 
it is considered that St. Albinus (who died in 549), was the author of 
the Brut, and that the 9th chapter of Geoffrey's llth book marks the 
conclusion of his work. Certain passages, not found in other versions, 
may have been interpolated by Geoffrey. 

Early in the 6th century the colonization of Britain by the Teutonic 
races was so complete, that large bodies of them sought and obtained 
new settlements from Theodric King of the Franks ; and shorty after, 


an Anglian princess, at the head of 100,000 l men, conducted an action 
for breach of promise of marriage against Radiger King of the Warni : 
so that there is no reason why Hrothgar, Hygelac and Beowulf may 
not have reigned in Deira and East Anglia. 

The genealogies of the Cumbrian, whose notes are appended to four 
MSS. of Nennius, and who seems to have lived a century before the 
compilation of the Saxon Chronicle, are to be preferred. From the 
poem we learn that Offa was contemporary with Hygelac, and must have 
died about the beginning of the 6th century. Between Offa and Penda 
of Mercia, who was born 576, the genealogist gives three generations, 
which will exactly answer to the interval between them. The later 
chronicles add four additional names, which probably belong to a col- 
lateral descent. Hencgest, whom he places at the head of one of his 
genealogies, is, according to Frisian tradition, a son of the sister 
of the original invader of Britain, and his pedigree could not, like 
that of Hencgest I., be traced from Woden. Brond, who is placed by 
the Saxon chronicle and Florence in Bernicia, between Bae'daeg and 
Beornd, appears to belong to the West Saxon kings. Ingebrand and 
Waegbrand were also probably collateral names. Florence's third and 
fourth names, Beorn and Beornd, seem to be false spellings of Beornec, 
from whom the Beornicas derive their name. In the Deiran genealogy, 
at the commencement, the chroniclers give Waegdseg, the Cumbrian 
Ba?lda3g. Huntingdon gives Wepdaeg, which appears to be the same as 
Swa3bdaeg. This, and Wa3gda3g and Sigegeat, may be regarded as col- 
lateral names For the Cumbrian's Soemil, Sguerthing, Florence reads 
Swearta, Se >mel, Westorwalcna. Sguerthing or Swearting indicates a 
Swearta ; this, therefore, may be the name of his father Seomel, and he 
and Westerfalcna will be one. 

The distances of Tytla the East Anglian, Penda the Mercian, Ida the 
Bernician, Cuthwine the West Saxon, and Sleda the East Saxon, all 
contemporaries of ^thelberht of Kent, from Woden, correspond re- 
markably, file's pedigree contains two additional generations, as 
might readily happen. The pedigrees of the Ostrogoths (in which Gaut 
is our Geat), Longobards, and Danes strangely confirm our own. Geat, 
Woden, and Seaxnot of the genealogies do not appear to have been 
gods, but only the namesakes of them, and the two former gave names 
to places in England. 

The poem opens with a beautiful and purely Saxon story the costly 
entombment of Beowulf's sire, Scyld Scefing (qu. Scyld the son of the 
skiff or boat, ir/co^), by giving his body, at his own desire, again to the 
ocean, in a rich keel, amid arms and treasures not less than those which 
accompanied him as a foundling child in the boat which bore him to his 
future subjects. 

Ethelwerd, who lived four centuries later than the poet, attributes 
this story to Sceafa of the Anglo-Saxon genealogies. William of Malms- 
bury, much later still, places a sheaf, probably suggested by the name, 
at the child's head. Ethelwerd sends the boat to Scani, an island of the 
sea; William to an island of Germany called Scandza, and says he 

1 So says Procopius. whom Gibbon calls the greatest historian of his time. 


reigned in the town then called Slaswic, but in his own time Haithebi. 
He places Sceaf between Sceldwa and Heremod, and in place of Sceafa at 
the head of the genealogy, he gives Streph, of whom he says -what the 
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle says of Sceafa, that he was the son of Noah, born 
in the ark. But the Sceafa, Sceldwa, and Beaw of the genealogies have 
nothing to do with Scyld Scefing, and Beowulf of the poem. The Scan- 
dinavian genealogy, given by Snorro, places Sif at the head of Woden's 
ancestry, and, after several generations, Skiold and Biavr : but there was 
another Scyld, a son of Woden, according to the Langfedgatal, and the 
Scykl of the poem is a third : and all must be regarded as namesakes of 
Scyld mentioned in a saga as the god of the people of Scania. The 
Danes know nothing of the story in connection with their Skiold. If the 
people of Scania did find a child exposed in a boat, they may have given 
the name of their god to him, with the addition of Scefing, " the son of 
the boat," for the word skiff 'in our language proves that there was such 
a word as scef for a boat, cognate to the Greek aKaxfry, from a verb sceofan, 
or scufan, Gr. aKa-rrrw, Anglice scop. A child so found would be with- 
out pedigree, and such a distinctive name would naturally be given to 
him, and doubtless suggested the statement in the Saxon Chronicle. 
Scyld is really the hero of the story, and his people are not called 
Scefingas, but Scyldingas. The names Sceafa, Heremod, Scyld, and 
Beowa were doubtless common enough, and many names of places may 
be traced to them; amongst others, Shilbottle, in Northumberland. 
The name Beowulf never occurs but in this poem, and there is borne by 
two persons in no way related. It is distinct from Beowa, yet, were it 
the same, the coincidence would not be greater than in the case of the 
contemporary Eadberts of Northumberland and Kent. 
We have then in the poem : 

Scyld Scefing = 
Beowulf King of the Scyldings (not the hero) ^ 

Halfdene T who had a son 

called Hrothwulf. 

Heorogar succeeded =r= Hrothgar =p Wealhtheow Halga the A daughter =Ela a 
his father. good. Scylfing. 

Heoroweard. Hrethric. Hrothmund. 

The pedigree of the Scandinavian Roar and Helgi, sons of Halfdan, in 
Hrolf's Kraka Saga, is different from this of Hrothgar and Halga. 
Their grandfather Beowulf and brother Heorogar are omitted, their sis- 
ter Signy married Earl Ssevil, not Ela, and Hrolf in the Saga is the son 
of Halga ; whilst here Hrothwulf is the cousin of Hrothgar, and by the 
father's side, as appears by the Scop's tale. There are some reasons for 
believing that Hrothgar's ancestors may have settled in Northumbria in 
the fourth century, for in A.D. 375, a Tuetonic colony came to this 
country, and the Secgas appear to have given their name to Segedunum, 
on the Wall, early in the fifth century. They are mentioned as subjects 
of Healfdene. Bolvelaunio (Ravennas) is probably Bolton on the Alne, 
and may be Beowulfi-Alaunium ; and Shilbottle in this neighbourhood 


bears the name of his father, Scyld. Hrothgar appears to have moved 
from the home of his fathers, and we shall have little difficulty in 
identifying the locality of his settlement. 

About 495 for it was twelve years before the date of the poem he 
built a fortress, to which he gave the name of Heort. The situation of 
Hart, in Durham rather more than two miles from the haven of Hart- 
lepool agrees with the distance indicated in the poem of Heort from 
the shore ; and it is just the distance from the coast of Suffolk 
Hygelac's territory for the voyage of Beowulf to be accomplished in 
the time specified. But in a passage of Canto XX. a mere is mentioned 
"where a hill stream rusheth downwards, under the darkness of the 
hills, a flood beneath the earth. It is not far hence, a mile's distance, 
that the mere stands, over which hang barky groves ; a wood fast by 
its roots overshadows the water ; there liveth not one so wise of men 
who the bottom knows." At this distance from Hart, between it and 
Thorp Bulmer, there was until lately a large pool called the Bottomless 
Carr, and from this flowed, and still flows (though the pool has been 
drained and converted into arable land), the Hoebeck equivalent to the 
hill stream of the poem which runs into the Slake of Hurtlepool. 2 The 
forest has disappeared, but the Slake of Hartlepool is full of the re- 
mains of large trees, and similar vestiges appear for nearly two miles 
along the coast towards Seaton. The lines which describe the course of 
Hrothgar tracking Grendel's mother along the coast, " precipitous cliffs 
and many nicor-houses," exactly describe the coast of Hartlepool, with 
its wave-worn caves. 

Shortly after its construction, the fortress of Heort was attacked by 
the Heatho-Beards, led by Froda and his son Ingeld, and Withergyld. 
" The hall arose, high and horn-curved. Intense heat of hostile flame 
awaited it, nor was it yet long ere the warrior promised to swear with 
oaths that he would cease thenceforth from deadly enmity (1. 163, 171). 
" My friend [Ingeld], thou mayst recognize the sword, the dear iron, 
which thy father under his closed helmet bare to the fight for the last 
time when the Danes slew him, the bold Scyldings gained the fatal field, 
since Withergyld fell, after the fall of heroes" (1. 4100, 4111). "Hroth- 
wulf and Hrothgar, paternal cousins, longest held peace together, after 
they had expelled the race of the Wicings, defeated Ingeld's army, 
slaughtered at Heorote the host of the Heatho-Beards" (Scop's Tale, 
91-100). Near the north-west extremity of the Slake at Hartlepool, a 
number of holes, nearly eight feet square, have been found, about five 
feet below the surface, filled with human bones. The Teutonic tribes 
burned the illustrious dead, but those of lower rank, especially when 
slain in battle, would be buried. 

From the first quotation the battle appears to have caused a peace be- 
tween Hrothgar and Ingeld. There is no need to look beyond Britain 
for Hrothgar's adversaries. At Bardsey Moor, near Leeds, there is a re- 
markable earthwork, which may mark a settlement of this tribe. 

A giant of the name of Grendel is said to have terrified Hrothgar's 
people for twelve years, and was overthrown by Beowulf. Grendel 

2 See Mr. Oliver's letter after this abstract of Mr. Haigh's paper. 


(e. g. Grindleton in Yorkshire) is found as a man's name, and Grindon 3 
may contain it abbreviated. Discarding marvels, there may have 
been some foundation for the story. "When Beowulf visited the court of 
Hrothgar, Hrothwulf his cousin was there, and "as yet was their peace 
together." Hrothgar's queen was Wealtheow, of the family of the Helm- 
ings, the mother of two sons, Hrethric and Hrothmund, and of a daughter, 
Freaware. Wulfgar, prince of the Wendels, is present as an ally, and 
Ingeld the son of Froda, prince of the Heatho-Beards also, an accepted 
suitor for Freaware. The poet relates events subsequent to the 
action of the poem by putting prophetic speeches into the mouths of 
his heroes. Beowulf predicts that an old warrior will call Ingeld's at- 
tention to his father's sword carried about the court of the palace by 
the son of Hrothgar ; that Ingeld will murder the prince, and, knowing 
the country well, make his escape, renounce his bride and rekindle war ; 
that Hrethric will seek aid of the Geats, and Beowulf himself will be 
allowed by Hygelac to conduct auxiliaries. From Wealtheow's speech 
also we may infer that Hrothwulf succeeded his cousin Hrothgar, who 
was much older than he, and repaid the kindness of Hrothgar and 
Wealtheow to him when a child, by protecting his child. Allusion is 
afterwards made to the extinction of Hrothgar's race in war, and the 
elevation of Beowulf to reign over the Scyldings. 

Helmington, in Durham, may be connected with the family of Hroth- 
gar's queen, the Helmings ; Sedgefield with the Secgas, whose prince 
was a vassal of Hrothgar's father, Healfdene; El wick, Elstob, Elton, 
and Eldon, with Ela, a Scylfing, who married a sister of Hrothgar. 
Wulfgar, prince of the Wendels, was an ally of Hrothgar when Ingeld 
was at his court, and may have accompanied him, for in Barwick in 
Elmet, not far from Bardsey, is a fortress of thirteen acres called Wen- 

The father of Beowulf the hero was Ecgtheow, who slew Heatholaf 
among the Wylfings, who appear (1. 922, 929) to be the same people as 
the Waras. He fled from their vengeance over the waves, and sought 
" the south Danes folk, the favour of the Scyldings," when Hrothgar 
reigned in his youth. Hrothgar paid the weregild for Heatholaf, and 
Ecgtheow swore fidelity to him, and probably returned to East Anglia 

Beowulf was brought up in the court of his maternal grandfather, 
Hrethel, and, during the reign of his uncle Hygelac, sailed with fifteen 
companions to Hart, in order to combat the giant Grendel, whose fame 
had reached him. " About an hour of the second day the voyagers saw 
land, the sea-cliffs shine, steep mountains, spacious sea nesses. Then 
was the sea-sailor at the end of its watery way. Thence the Weders 
people stepped quickly upon the plain." (1. 456.) The Scyldings' land 
warden saw them from the wall, and rode down to the shore to enquire 
their errand. Hearing that they offered assistance to Hrothgar, he 
committed their vessel to the care of his brother officers, and conducted 

s Crindale dykes, near Grindon Lough, on the Roman Wall, is called Gryndeldikea 
in an old deed. 2 Hodg. iii. 329. Ed. 
* Compare Windleatou in Durham. E<H. 
VOL. ni, a 


them until they came in sight of Heort, and then returned to his post. 
Arrived at the palace, they put off their armour, and were challenged by 
Wulfgar, prince of the Wendels, who reported their coming to Hrothgar, 
and was bidden to usher them into his presence. He received them 
graciously, and entertained them at a feast. The following night 
Beowulf vanquished the giant, 8 and a few days afterwards slew his 
mother. Loaded with presents from Hrothgar and Wealtheow, he re- 
turned to " the cliffs of the Geats, the known nesses," where Hygelac 
met him. The point was probably Burgh Castle, in Suffolk, about 220 
miles from Hartlepool, a distance, at eight or nine miles to the hour, a 
rate at which fishing cobles can easily sail, might be well accomplished 
in twenty-five hours. On the outward voyage, as Beowulf drew in 
towards the land, the Huntcliff and Hartlepool cliffs and the Cleveland 
hills would present themselves, and after passing the cliffs of Hartlepool, 
on which Hrothgar' s coast guard stood, he would disembark on 
the sands to the north, whence a journey of about two miles would 
bring him to Hart. On his return he descried the well known cliffs of 
the Geatas, and the first land he would see would be the only part of 
Norfolk which possesses any elevation, the mud-cliffs between Cromer 
and Happisburgh. 

After this Beowulf was associated with Hygelac in the kingdom, and, 
after the fall of the latter, was faithful in his protection of his benefac- 
tor's young son, but, on the death of the latter in battle, became sole 
prince, and long reigned victoriously. His eventful reign over Hroth- 
gar's Scyldings has already been noticed. It is in their neighbour- 
hood that the last scene of his life, in which he is said to have fallen in 
consequence of an encounter with a dragon, is placed, and it affords an 
instructive commentary as to the origin of similar stories. It was the 
rifling of a large chambered tumulus, and the death of Beowulf was 
probably owing to the mephitic vapour collected within its recesses. It 
was " the mound in a field, deep by the ness, near to the water waves," 
(1. 4474) a mound under " the earth, near the raging of the holm, 4 
the strip of waves," (1. 4813) "a steep stone hill, the path lay beneath, 
to men unknown." (1. 4432.) " He saw there by the rampart a stone 
arch stand, and a stream break out thence from the mount." (1. 5077) 
" he looked on the giants' work, how the stone vaults, fast on props, 
held the eternal earthhouse within." It was evidently a tumulus, con- 
taining chambers formed of large flagstones set on edge, supporting 
others laid horizontally over them ; and it was upon a ness or cliff, 
which is called Earna-naes, over which Beowulf's companions are said 
to have shoved into the water beneath the body of the dragon (i. e. pro- 
bably part of the materials of the mound), in order to get at the con- 

5 A field of 81 acres, directly south of Naisbury, near Hart, bounded on the south 
by Dalton Piercy, is called Thrum's Law. At Catterick tumuli are still traceable at 
Thrummy Hills, anciently Thyrmhou and Thremhoes, and the name has been traced 
from the Norse, Thirmr, & giant (6 Arch. Jou. 347). But more, the field immedi- 
ately north of Thrum's Law is called on the Hart sale plans, Grandy's close. The 
occurrence of Grendelsdike, near Grindon Lough, in Northumberland, has already 
been noticed. In the same locality Grandy's Knowe occurs. Ed. 

6 A word common to the low grounds near rivers. See Promp. Parv., i. 243. .#. 


coaled treasure. The scene was evidently well known to the poet, and 
is identified with Eaglescliff, 7 a promontory fifty feet high, in Durham, 
surrounded on three sides by the Tees. The name is a translation of 
Earna-nass, and was probably given when the reason of the original 
name being applied was forgotten, for Earndale and Arncliffe seem to 
indicate settlements in the neighbourhood of a tribe called Earnas, and 
the name of Yarm may be a contraction of Earnham. The tumulus has 
disappeared through the value of its materials, but the spring still rises 
in the churchyard and falls into the Tees. 

The body of Beowulf was conveyed to Hronaesnses, there burned, and 
a mound, called Beowulfes-beorh, raised over his ashes, so lofty that it 
could be seen at a distance out at sea. Hrona is preserved in Runswiek, 
near Whitby, four miles to the north of which is a lofty headland which 
may well have been Hronsesnses, for on it is the village of Boulby, an 
easy contraction of Beowulfes-beorh, which name Beowulf expected 
would be applied to the headland by the seafarers " when the Br en tings 
drive afar over the darkness of the floods." "We accordingly find a 
settlement of that tribe at Brantingham, close to the shore of the 

The reign of Beowulf over the Geats is said to have lasted fifty years, 
a period which, computed from the date of his visit to Hrothgar's court 
before 511, immediately after which he was raised to the throne by 
Hygelac, brings the time of his death so near to the generally received 
date of the accession of ^Elle, that we may regard Jfelle, who, as de- 
scended from Swerting, was of the kindred of Hygelac and Beowulf, as 
his successor. The invasion of Eoppa and Ida, who landed at Flam- 
borough some time before 547, but whose kingdom seems to have been 
confined to Bernicia, may have been that in which Hrothgar's race fell, 
and the occasion of Beowulf's coming to take possession of Deira. 

[The Scop's Tale, or Traveller's Song, is next reviewed. The date 
of his journey is marked by his mention of Theodric King of the Franks 
(511-534). He traversed great part of Europe, but it is probable that 
most of the tribes and princes whom he visited were settled in England, 
because the poem is English and shows no traces of any foreign Teu- 
tonic dialect, and at that time an Anglo-Saxon would not feel any in- 
terest in preserving a mere catalogue of foreign kings and peoples. He 
visited the Scots and Picts, and would at all events mention the tribes 
he passed through on his way. A large proportion of those whom he 
mentions must have been among the colonists of Britain ; and the story 
of Hadugqt, his contemporary, shows that in the beginning of the 6th 
century the complete state of Anglo-Saxon colonization here compelled 
fresh settlements on the Continent. The residence of some of these 
tribes is only known in England, whilst of others we have traces both 
here and abroad. A number of the tribes are connected by Mr. Haigh 
with the names of places in very varying districts. Crakehall and Craike, 
in Yorkshire, are mentioned under the Creacas. As to the Denas, or 
Deningas, it is remarked that " the lord of the Danes" mentioned in 

7 Eggasdiff in 1084. Ed. 


this poem was Alewih, the opponent of Offa : the Danes were also the 
subjects of Hrothgar in Durham, and had settlements in Norfolk, accord- 
ing to Gaimar. Under the Hunas we find Hunwick, in Durham. Al- 
together, Mr. Haigh finds traces in England of at least half of the 
families mentioned by the Traveller.] 

In consequence of Mr. Haigh' s paper, the Editor requested Mr. 
Oswald Oliver of Elwick, a careful local inquirer, to examine Hart and 
the course of the Howbeck, drawing his attention to certain names on 
the old plan of Hart manor, printed with the particulars of its sale in 
1 770. In that plan the Howbeck rises in Bottomless Carr, flows through 
the " Bottoms," and next has Dunshill on its south side. On its en- 
trance into the village of Hart it is north of the road, on the south of 
which are Palace Garths. On leaving the village the brook crosses the 
road to the Dean Fall, adjoining which, on the west, are three fields 
called " Old Kirk," a name much associated with old remains of va- 
rious kinds. Besides these, Mr. Oliver's observation was directed to 
two fields, of about fifty acres each, on the north of the road between 
Hart and the sea, called Basley Hill and Scald Hill. The latter is pro- 
bably " the Scawle" of the scattered possessions of the North Hart 
estate in the town fields in 1614. 8 The result of Mr. Oliver's search is 
not unfavourable to Mr. Haigh's conclusions, and is given below : 

" I took a walk over to Hart yesterday, to examine the places you 
pointed out to me, commencing with Dunshill, but could find nothing 
to arrest my attention but a circular hill, of which there are others similar 
in shape in the adjoining fields. The How Beck has its source in the 
field called the Bottoms (on the plan), in the south-east corner. The 
Bottomless Carr surface water and drainage discharge into the Bellows 
Burn and Catlaw Howl, from thence into Hesledon Dean. The course 
of the How Beck, from its rising to Hart, about one mile, is through a 
gradual slope on each side, and from Hart to near a mile further 
through flat meadow and pasture fields ; on leaving Dean Fall it descends 
into a small glen or valley nearly half a mile in length, a sweet se- 
cluded place, the average height of the banks on each side may proba- 
bly be from six to eight yards, the width at the bottom not above the 
same ; it then pursues its way cross the Warren, and discharges itself 
into the mere or Slyke at the north-west corner, where we meet with 
mounds similar to those on the Tees. I could find nothing at Old Kirk, 
but on the east side of Basley Hill is the appearance of entrenchments. 
I must now direct your attention to Hart, on the west side of the site of 
church and the hall : here we have undeniable proof of a fortification, 
from the fosse or moat along the course of the How Beck, the length of 
not less than one hundred yards, which forms the south side; on the 
west side a sunken road marked on the plan as the road to Sunderland ; 

8 Then set out by Humphrey Farrowe. The document is in the Editor's possession. 


on the north side, marked as the orchard, the bed of another moat ; I 
could not trace anything on the east. I think the extent of area, ex- 
cluding the church and churchyard, may he nearly two acres. I must 
not omit mentioning meeting my eye a fragment of ancient masonry, 
forming part of an out-office attached to the hall. The How Beck, to 
do it justice, can only be called a rill, 9 but sufficient to supply water for 
the fosse. I must remark, on leaving the vicarage (marked glebe), the 
How has a fall of a few feet on entering the moat which I have before 

EXHIBITED. A miniature portrait, by Sir Antonio More, of Thomas 
Howard, Duke of Norfolk, who was beheaded in 1572. The picture, 
which belonged to Kichardson the painter, and came out of the Arundel 
collection, is marked "AETATIS 25, 1562." It is engraved by Hou- 
braken among the heads of illustrious men. P. H. HOWABD, ESQ., 
Corby Castle. 

A brass tablet taken from the body of a Eussian soldier at Inkermann. 
It represents St. Basil the Great, in a style little differing from the 
Byzantine art of former ages. THE SAME. 

Specimens of Mosaic work from St. Sophia, the gold being glazed 
over ; a nail crusted over with lava, from Pompeii ; an Egyptian scara- 
baeus ; an engraved gem ; and several Greek and Koman coins from 
Ephesus. ME. BABKEB. 

A thin object of brass found near the Eoman "Wall, at "Walker, on Mr. 
Brown's farm, and suggested by Dr. Bruce to have been used with har- 
ness. It is of an oval contour, pierced with two circular holes formed 
by two eagles' heads sweeping round to the top of a sort of pine-apple 
ornament. On the body of the object, under the above decorations, is 
a tiger in considerable relief, striped diagonally with streaks of some 
black metal. MB. BBOWN. 

A MS. account of the army quartered near Newcastle, 5 Nov. 1745, 
when General "Wade had a force of 16,398 men, with 34 guns (24 of 
brass), and upwards of 100 waggons of gunpowder and ball. ME. 

PEESENTED. Supplement to Mr. B. Homer Dixon's Essay on Proper 

Transactions of the Kilkenny Archaeological Society, Vol. II., No. 13. 

Proceedings of the Liverpool Architectural and Archaeological Society, 
Yol. II., Part 3. THE SOCIETY. 

9 It must be remembered that its waters are reduced by the diversion of the waters 
of Bottomless Carr, which in 1770 flowed into it. 


Note sur la Sepulture d'un Jeune Guerrier Franc ; par M. 1'Abbe 

Collectanea Antiqua, Vol. IV., Part 2. Mr. C. ROACH SMITH. 

Abury Illustrated, by Wm. Long, Esq., M.A., 1858. DE. THTJRNHAM, 

An Essay on the Ancient "Weights and Money and the Roman and 
Greek Liquid Measures, with an Appendix on the Roman and Greek 
Foot; by the Rev. Robert Hussey, 1836. THE REV. E. HTTSSEY 

On certain .Medals of Leonard C. Wyon, by Richard Sainthill; and 
suggested Types for the Coinage of India, by the same. THE AUTHOR. 
[The suggested type contains the Queen's head on the obverse, and the 
royal crest on the reverse ; the oriental inscriptions signifying " Victoria 
Queen of India, Great Britain and Ireland," and " God and my Right."] 

A leaden object (a weight for the steelyard ?) found near Minster- 
acres, covered with intersecting lines and pellets, a fine specimen of its 
kind. MR. J. P. DOLPHIK, of Stanhope. 

A block of oak, being a portion of the "apron," or "stomach- 
piece," and therefore of the original fabric, of the Betsy Caines, the vessel 
wrecked as a collier on the Black Middens of the Tyne in 1827. [The 
sailors had traditions that she brought over William the Conqueror and 
"William the Third, and that the Roman Church would never prevail 
in England while she kept afloat. She was, it is believed, under ano- 
ther name, a pleasure yacht of the Prince of Orange ; but according to 
Macaulay (3rd edit. ii. 476, 483), William came from Helvoetsluys to 
Torbay in & frigate called the Brill.] THE REV. JAMES EVERETT. 

RESOLVED. That the Annual Country Meeting be held at Flodden 

Monthly Meeting, 2 June. 
John Hodgson Hinde, Esq., V. P., in the Chair. 

READ. A letter on the subject of entrenchments at Hart, printed 
above, p. 124. MR. OSWALD OLIVER. 

Notes on North Tyndale in 1279, founded on the Iter de Wark. To 
be printed. DR. CHARLTON. [Mr. Fenwick, the Steward of the Liberty, 
stated that he was informed by Mr. Cuthbert Teasdale, admitted an at- 
torney in the time of George II., that the king's writ did not run in the 


Franchise of Tyndale until the middle of George III.'s reign. He ad- 
ded that the right of the Steward to execute capital punishment without 
the intervention of the coroner, as in the case of a decapitation at Bel- 
lingham mentioned in the Iter, was understood to he valid. The Chair- 
man remarked that several iters of the county at large are extant.] 

PRESENTED. An object of cornelian agate, found at Rothbury, some' 
what in the form of an arrow-head. ME. W. A. BROOKS, C.E. [Dr. 
Charlton stated that it resembled the agates in the claystone porphyry 
of the Cheviots.] 

The Transactions of the Kilkenny Archaeological Society, Vol. I., N. 
S., No. 4. THE SOCIETY. 

Memoirs of the late Thomas Wilson, Esq., the author of the Pitman's 

ELECTED. Edward Hailstone, Esq., F.S.A., Horton Hall, Bradford, 
as an ordinary member. 

Monthly Meeting, 7 July. 
John Fenwick, Esq. , Treasurer, in the Chair. 

READ. The Municipal History of Newcastle, printed p. 103. MR. 
HODGSON HINDE. [Mr. White had been struck by the frequent allusions 
in the 16th century to the narrow accommodation for strangers in 
Newcastle. The Earl of Surrey, before the battle of Flodden, was 
obliged to move on to make way for others that were at hand. The 
Editor, in reference to the ancient government of Newcastle by a prae- 
positus or provost, drew attention to the frequent mention of such an 
officer in other places of less moment.] 

A letter to Dr. Bruce, in reference to the survey of the Devil's 
Causeway or Eastern Watling Street, undertaken for the Duke of North- 
umberland, announcing that the road was traced to. within two miles of 
Berwick Castle, making for that point. MR. MACLATJCHLAN. 

A letter to Dr. Bruce, informing him of the discovery of a Roman 
amphitheatre at Martigny (on the Simplon road, in Switzerland), the 
ancient Octodurus. It resembles in position the amphitheatres at Sil- 
chester, Dorchester, and Housesteads. The masonry was rude, and the 
interior fittings had been furnished by the neighbouring forests. MR. 


A notice of a statue of some size at Alnwick church, which, with one 
of St. Sebastian, had been disinterred from near the reading-desk. 
The statue in question is of a king, the head lost, the hands bearing a 
sceptre and orb. From the girdle hangs a rosary. Under the feet are 
the well known badges of the house of Lancaster, a lion and an ante- 
lope, and it is presumed that we have here the saintly king of the Red 
Rose, for whom the Percys had so severely suffered. THE EDITOR. 

PRESENTED. The last remnant of the brazen effigy of Sir Aymer de 
Athol, from Trinity Chapel, St. Andrew's Church, Newcastle (See 
Bourne, p. 42), from which the churchwardens have lately removed it. 
It represents the knight's feet resting upon a spotted leopard. MR. 
DONKIN. [There is a notice of Sir Aylmer in White's Otterburn, p. 90.] 

The two Roman altars which lay near the Rev. Anthony Hedley's 
grave at Beltingham. One is plain, the other has a legend not yet 
read (2 Hodg. iii. 198, 199). THE REV. MR. CLARKE. 

The Odes of Horace, in Four Books, translated into English Lyric 
Verse by Lord Ravensworth. THE AUTHOR. 

Collections of the Surrey Archaeological Society, Vol. I., Part 2. 

The Canadian Journal, No. 15, N.S. THE CANADIAN INSTITUTE. 

Proceedings and Papers of the Kilkenny Archaeological Society, 
Vol. II., N.S., No. 14. THE SOCIETY. 

PURCHASED, by subscription. The Acts of the High Commission 
Court within the Diocese of Durham, edited by Mr. Longstaffe for the 
Surtees Society. 

North Allerton, its Annals and Characteristics, by Mr. C. J. Davison 

RESOLVED. That the excursion to Flodden, &c., take place on July 
27 and 28. 

That Dr. Raine's Life of the Rev. John Hodgson, and the two New- 
castle volumes of the Archaeological Institute be purchased. 



FROM the level sward of a large haugh among the intricate winds of the 
Coquet, between Felton and Warkworth, rises a small but interesting 
ruin. It adds a charm to the pleasant amphitheatre of which it forms 
a centre, and is a striking feature of the scene from every point of view. 
A little west is the residence called Brainshaugh. The ruin consists of 
a nave and chancel, the eastern wall of which has entirely disappeared. 
The general character of the building is transitional Norman, of which 
style a striking example remains in a capital adorned with numerous 
vertical strings of the nailhead ornament. This fragment, which per- 
haps adorned the destroyed chancel arch, forms the headstone to a grave 
for the consecrated earth has not been wholly secularised and 
another piece of stone moulded with a succession of right angles like 
steps, lies near it. The nave is very short in proportion to the choir, 
and has perhaps been used for domestic purposes. The north doorway 
of the choir is pointed exteriorly and is square within, but above the 
lintel stone of the square arises a semicircular blank arch. The south 
wall has arrangements of the decorated period. There is a chamfered 
doorway, and a piscina of two or three basins. Between these objects 
is a wide opening in the wall, at the height of about a couple of stones 
from the ground, with bold converse mouldings of a quarter-circle. 
There is a kind of socket at the base of this opening, as if a screen or 
door had moved in a vertical manner. To the south-west of the open- 
ing are indications of domestic apartments. The ruins are walled 
round, and every care is taken to preserve them. 

Here is the site of the church of Saint Wilfrid of Gysnes, which 
Richard Tison gave to the canons of Alnwick in the twelfth century, 
and it is proposed to make it the text of some notices of Tison and the 
heirs of his fee in Northumberland. They will perhaps differ materially 
from received traditions, but as my authorities will be obvious, it will 
not be worth while to point out the errors of statements unsupported by 
contemporary evidence. 


TISON. The Tisons are presumed to have descended from the 
lords of the country in the departmente du Calvados, called le Anglais, 
of which Thury-Harcourt is the capital. These lords have in their 
deeds the soubriquet of Taisson (Norman for a badger), which is latinized 
Taxo. 1 

GILBERT TISON appears among the Norman adventurers in the earliest 
years of the Conqueror's reign. In a charter made between the fray of 
Hastings, 1066, and the death of Aired Archbishop of York, in 1069, 
being witnessed by that prelate, Gilbert Tison describes himself as the 
Great Standard-bearer of the King of England (dominus Gilbertus Tison, 
domini regis Anglise summus vexillator), and states that at the instance 
of Queen Matildis, for the souls of Saint Edward the King, William the 
Bastard, himself, his parents and successors, he had given to the monks 
of Selby property in Polkerthorp (the Fulcartorp of Domesday), in 
Bubwith, in a place called Gunelby (Gundeby), and the town of Lund in 
the field of "Writtelow, near his manor-house there, which Grunkel 
fitz-Thorin, the bailiff, held of him for a new-year's gift. 2 Selby mon- 
astery was founded by the king to the honour of Saint German, a name 
which afterwards appears in the Tison family. During the archiepisco- 
pate of Archbishop Thomas of York (1070-87), Tison, by consent of his 
wife and sons, gave to the same convent further lands in the land called 
Gundebi and the town called Lund, and tithes in Aigrun (Eykring, in 
Tison's Nottinghamshire fee), and in Alvelay (Kirk-Ella, the Alvengi 
of Domesday). The consideration was that Gilbert should be plenarius 
f rater in the church of Selby. "Sir Adam my son" and "Kichard 
Tisun " attest the grant. 3 In Domesday Book (1086) Gilbert Tison 
held the manors of Alvengi, Hase, Umlovebi, Chrachetorp, Weresa, and 
Siwarbi (including Spellington, Lont, Wilgetot, Gripetorp, Ladon, and 
Nortdufelt), Bonnebi, Bubvid, Fulcartorp, Holme, Santune, Houetone, 
and Rudtorp, all in the East Biding ; and numerous manors and estates 
in the West Biding, Craven, Nottinghamshire, and Lincolnshire. 

The early history of Alnwick is shrouded in thick darkness, but there 
seems no improbability in the statement, that Tison was its lord, and 
that he gave to his younger son Richard the vills of Shiplingbotel, 
Hasand, Newton, Reighton (Rennington), Folandon, (?) and Broxfield, 4 
and the church of Gisyng or Gysures, as Richard and his descendants 
certainly did hold similar estates. 

1 Stapleton in the Plompton Correspondence. 

2 3 Mon. Angl. nov. ed. 500. 3 Hunter's Eccl. Doc. 50. 

4 From the way, however, in which Broxfield is mentioned in the sequel, I am in- 
clined to think that it was a later acquisition. 


I have not seen any evidence of the mode in which the estates in 
capite of Tison passed, some to Ivo de Yescy, and some to Nigel de 
Albini ; others in Craven to Percy and the Skipton (Romilli) fee : 
but Mr. Stapleton is probably correct in supposing that the evil example 
of Robert de Mowbray led the great standard-hearer into rebellion, and 
caused the forfeiture of his vast estates. His descendants held some of 
them of the Albinis and Vescys, but the tenancy in chief had departed 
for ever from the race of Tison. Ivo de Yesci is not named in Domes- 
day Book. Taking Eustace fitz-John, grandcevus, as being aged 70 at his 
death in 1157, Ivo might be born in 1055 or 1060. 

TISON OF YORKSHIRE. -The son and heir, ADAM TISON, wit- 
nessed his father's second grant to Selby monastery before 1087. In 
31 Hen. I. (1 130-1), Adam Tison accounted for his father's debts, and for 
a fine not to plead for his lands until the son of Nigel de Albini (Roger de 
Mowbray) was a knight. 5 The same entry occurs in the roll of 5 
Steph. 1140. 6 Some dispute had therefore arisen between the old and 
new owners of the land. With the consent of Emma his wife, and 
"William his son, Adam Tison gave Aton Croft, in the wood of Holme, 
to Selby abbey. In 1168, 

"WILLIAM TISON held 15 knights fees of ancient feoffment of Roger de 
Mowbray in Yorkshire. He had a daughter MAUDE, who married De 
Belver, and when a widow, with the consent of her son John, gave to 
Selby Abbey, towards augmenting the hermitage of Holme, all that part 
of Holter-hirst which had belonged to Adam Tisun her grandfather. A 
Constable of Flamburgh appears to have married another daughter. 
"William Constable of Flaynburgh confirmed Adam Tison's grant to 
Selby, and gave an assart called Holter-hirst, north of the hermitage of 
Holme, Galfrid Salvain being a witness. Kirk Ella church, which Gil- 
bert Tison had given, was confirmed by both families. Some further 
gifts and confirmations by them may be seen in the Monasticou. The 
manor of Holme in Spalding More was sold by Sir Wm. Constable of 
Flambrough, Bart., in 1633, to Sir Marmaduke Langdale. 7 

TISON OF NORTHUMBERLAND. We have already seen that 
RICHARD TISON is represented as being the younger son of the standard- 
bearer, and as receiving from him the Shiplingbottle fees. These were 

5 Pipe Roll, Yks. 

6 Adam Tisun redd. comp. de 32J. et 2s. pro omnibus debitis patris sui ; et de 15 
marc, argenti ne placitet de terra sua donee fll. Nigelli de Albini sit miles. 

7 Visit. Yks. 1584. 


two in number, held of the Vesci family as of ancient feoffment (i. e. 
before 1135). Consequently, they were certainly held by this Richard, 
who is said to have founded a chapel of nuns at Gysyures about 1100. 
I venture to print this date instead of the 1000 of the copy of the Chron- 
icle of Alnwick Monastery in Harl. MS. 692. "Whatever the character 
of Richard's foundation was, its possessions are clearly set out in Eustace 
fitz- John's charter to the canons of Alnewick. By this he confirmed 
" the church of Saint Wilfrid of Gysnes which Richard Tysone gave to 
the same canons in perpetual alms, with one measure and two oxgangs 
of land in the same vill, and with Halghe where the church is, with 
Ridlei, and with Morwick-halghe as Richard granted to them." This 
confirmation was witnessed by Richard Tysone himself, "Wm. Tysone, 
Ivo de Vescy, Arnulph de Morwic, Arnulph de Heysende. Haysand is 
afterwards found as part of the Tison fees. Two parts of the tithes of 
Arnulph there formed part of Eustace fitz-John's foundation. " The 
halgh where the church is " still conveys an exact idea of Brainshaugh. 
The grant is placed in the year 1147 by the Alnwick Chronicle, when 
Richard Tison must have been an aged man. "William de St. Barbara, 
Bishop of Durham, (1142-1152), is mentioned in it. 

WILLIAM TISON, said in the Chronicle of Alnwick to be son of Richard, 
succeeded to his estates, being mentioned in the Black Book of the Ex- 
chequer as holding two knights' fees of William de Yesci of ancient feoff- 
ment in 1168. The next descent in the Chronicle is proved by the grant 
of lands in Great Chivington, by William de Yescy, who died in 1184, 
to Ernald de Morwyc, (Harl. MS. 1985, 290). That grant is witnessed 
by "William Tisone and German his son, and Guy Tisone." This Guy 
Tysun, on the evidence of the Pipe Rolls, rendered money to the sheriff 
for chattels of fugitives in Northumberland from 1165 to 1173, surveyed 
the building of the keep of Newcastle in 1172 and 1174, and held lands 
in Matfen and Nafferton apparently by the customary service of keeping 
the pleas of the crown or being coroner. Prom 23 Hen. II., 1177, the 
sheriff accounts for their rents as the land of Guy Tisun, so that he pro- 
bably died in that year 8 . 

GERMAN Tison, who was perhaps some connection of Prior German of 
Durham, gave at Schipilbotel a quarter of wheat and 5s. annually to the 
monks of Newminster, the transactions relative to whom throughout 
this paper have been derived from a copy of their Cartulary made by 
William Woodman, Esq., of Morpeth, by the kind permission of that 
gentleman. German Tison stands in the Alnwick Chronicle as father 
of the Lady BONE TISON, who married William de Hilton of Hilton 

8 See also Hartshorne's Northumberland, 231. 



Castle, and carried the Tison estates to that family. In his old age, 
after 1197, he seems to have married Agnes, the widow or sister of his 
daughter's father in law, Alexander de Hilton, as the Patent Roll of 
1209 reveals a protection for German Tison against any distringas for 
payment of a debt which Agnes de Hilton his wife had contracted before 
his marriage without his assent. In the Pipe Roll of 1211 he and his 
wife Agnes pay 10 marks that Henry de Ferlington (who had had the 
custody of the Hilton^estates since 1208, after William de Hilton's death) 
might hold to his agreement with them concerning two parts of a moiety 
of the vill of Hetton (Helton ?) In 1213 he pays 3 marks ut deponatur 
de assisa. And I find no more of him. 

The impression left by a comparison of dates is that the Tysons lived 
to good old ages. Their pedigree seems to stand thus 

Gilbert Tison, Great Standard-bearer of "William the Conqueror, occurs before . . 
1069, and as a tenant in capite in 1086 : made a grant to Selby Abbey, 

r- i -I 

Adam Tison, witnessed bis father's =f= Emma, con- 

grant to Selby Abbey before 1087 ; 
was interested in Yorkshire lands 
in 1140 ; made a further grant to 
Selby Abbey. 


grant to Sel- 
by Abbey. 

Bichard Tison, son of Gil- 
bert according to the Chro- 
nicle of Alnwick Abbey ; 
gave Guyzance church to 
that abbey; liv. 1147. 

"William Tison, consented to =f 
his father's grant to Selby 
Abbey , held 15 fees of Ko- 
ger de Mowbray in York- 
shire, 1168. 

William Tison, held Eich- 
ard's estates in Northum- 
erland, as 2 fees of "William 
de Vesci of ancient feoff- 
ment, 1168. 

Maude, . . . wife of ... German Tison, named as son of =f 1. 

wife of . . Constable of William in William de Ves- 

DeBelver. Flamborough. cy's grant to Ernald de 

/K A Morwyc, before 1184. 

Guy Tison, cor- 
oner of North- 
1165-76, dead 

= 2. Agnes de 
Hilton, mar. 
before 1209, 
liv. 1211. 

Bone Tison carried the Tison fees to her =F William de Hilton, died before 1208. 

issue ; is named as daughter of German 
in the Alnwick Chronicle ; probably mar- 
ried about 1198. 

His son and heir Alexander was a mi- 
nor in that year, and of age about 

At such an early period, we can scarcely expect to find any evidence 
of arms for Tison. In the seventeenth century the Hiltons quartered 
Vert, three lions rampant Argent, crowned, langued, collared, and chained 
Or, for this marriage. There is a pretended marriage with an heiress of a 
Saxon family, Tyson, with Ivo de Yesci, in respect of which Lord Eure 
in Elizabeth's time, 9 and Yesey of Brampton in le Morthinge in 1612, 
quartered the same coat. 10 Bishop Percy attributes a bend on Alnwick 
Castle to Tison. 11 

9 Cotemporary MS. of the Arms of the Peers, temp. Eliz., in J. B. Taylor's MSS. 

10 Visit. Ebor. n Collins's Peerage. 


HILTON. It would be endless to refute all the absurd statements 
which have passed current respecting the Barons of Hilton. 

Their fees on the Wear were of ancient feoffment, and must therefore 
hare been carved out of the possessions of the See of Durham previously 
to 1135, but whatever semblance to truth may exist in the traditional 
memories of their continuous ownership from a Saxon period, no evi- 
dence of it exists previous to Pusac's episcopate (commencing in 1153), 
when we have the singular name of ROMANTTS for a witness to that pre- 
late's charters to Anchetel Buhner and Hugh Burel, as mentioned by 
Mr. Surtees. In 1157, the same person, by the style of ROMANES KKIGHT 
OF HELTON, makes an agreement with the convent of Durham, touching 
the chapel of the vill from which he took his name. He and his heirs 
were to have their chaplain, and find him according to the will of the 
prior and of him who should^ be over the church of "Weremuth. Ro- 
manus shall give to the chaplain all the alms (this expression scarcely 
includes tithes) which come from his own house, but shall give to the 
mother church for every ox 12 in every year a thrave of oats. He and 
his household of Heltun shall come to the same mother church with 
their alms and oblations as the manner is on the great festivals (after- 
wards explained to be those of Christmas, Easter, Pentecost, and St. 
Peter and Paul). The half carucate of Trublwtfs land, viz. four oxgangs, 
held by four men, and all the men of Eisum and Heltun shall pay tithes, 
alms, and customs to the mother church. The chaplain shall give secu- 
rity that these terms shall be observed, and if they are not, the chapel 
shall temporarily cease. The agreement remains in the Treasury at 
Durham. Many a squabble did the new and fashionable chapel bring 
upon the Master of "Wearmouth in after-years. 

In the bishop's return of his knights' fees in 1166, he returns " Ho- 
rn anus de Helton" as holding 3. Two of his knights north of Tees 
held 5 each, and this was the highest number. 

ALEXANDER DE HELTON, the next owner, seems to have been son of 
Pvomanus, as another convention with Prior German in 1172 mentions 
him as Alexander Lord of Helton, and reciting that he and his father 
had chosen and presented a chaplain ; they shall give to his chapel the 
tithes of their own house. The four men holding Trublard's four oxgangs 
were now Albert, Osbern, Outi and Yvelet. 13 In 1189 we have a similar 
grant from Prior Bertram to Thomas de Yolton and the chaplain who 
should serve the chapel during his life. It seems from this instrument, 

12 Draught ox. Convention of 1172. 

13 Extract in J. B. Taylor's MSS. Mr. Surtees does not print the document in his 


which confirms the stipulations of 1157, that Trublard's Land comprised 
one and a half canicate. The prior grants the tithe of a carucate to the 
then chaplain, the four oxgangs and Risum paying to the mother church 
like other men of Heltun. 1 * 

This Alexander is a frequent witness to Bishop Pusac's charters and 
was the fifth attesting witness of the charter of Roger de Kibleswrde, 
made " in the presence of Lord Hugh, Bishop of Durham, and of the 
Barons of the Bishoprick in full court at Durham A.D. MCLXxx." 15 He 
survived the bishop, and accounted for 4.1. scutage during the vacancy 
of the See in 1197. The early seal in Mr. Surtees's work and the entry 
in the Liber Vitffi Dunelm., attributed to this Alexander, must be trans- 
ferred to Alexander his grandson. Probably his wife was the Agnes de 
Hilton who married German Tison before 1209. 

WILLIAM DE HELTON, the husband of Lady Bone Tison, must have 
held the estate for a very short time, being dead in 1208. 

ALEXANDER DE HELTON, his son and heir, was under age in that year, 
when we find on the Charter Roll a confirmation to Henry de Ferlington 
and Agnes his wife, of Bp. Philip's grant to them of the custody of the 
lands which were William de Helton's and of Alexander his heir, so that 
he be not disparaged in marriage. The grant successively extends to 
German his brother and to his sisters in case of his own death during 
minority. From the Fine Roll, which calls Agnes the sister of Henry, it 
appears that two palfreys were paid for the confirmation. 

This Alexander occurs with his wife in the Durham Book of Life in 
writing of the 13th century, in the entry " Alexander de Helt', Agnes 
uxor ejus. ii sol'," and with a predilection of the mother church of Wear- 
mouth unusual in his race, he gave to it 3 marks yearly from his mill of 
Helton, for the perpetual sustenance of a chaplain to celebrate divine 
offices for the dead at the altar of St. Lawrence in that church. To 
the charter granting this foundation is appended the seal of white wax 
bearing on a shield a gallant demi-lion passant, and inscribed SIGILLVM 
ALLEXSANDEB, DE HELT', which is somewhat inaccurately engraved by 
Surtees, and by him ascribed to the first Sir Alexander. The witnesses to 
the charter may be seen in his History, and the approximate date is fur- 
ther ascertained by the ordination of the chantry "pro dominis de Hil- 
ton," by prior Ralph who presided over the convent of Durham from 
1214 to 1233, and who recites the grant of "venerabilis amicus noster 
Alexander de Helton" and describes the intended masses as for the souls 
of the grantor and of all his ancestors. Randal gives the date as 1220, 
and perhaps he had some reasons for doing so. 

14 Printed in Surtees. 15 Surtees. 


Geoffrey fitz-Geoffrey, one of the witnesses of the above charter, and 
lord of Ravensworth, and Alexander de Hilton occur in the Testa de 
Nevil as collectors of the aid in Northumberland on the marriage of the 
King's sister with the Emperor in 1235. The Pipe Rolls now mention 
Alexander de Hilton frequently, he rendering account for Hugh de Ver- 
ly of a debt which appears in the Yorkshire roll of 1234 (referring to 
that of 1229) as 871. 7s. Bd. In 1236 the debt, then 79 1. I2d., is trans- 
ferred to the Northumberland roll ; in 1237 he pays an arrear of instal- 
ments to the amount of 25L, with a memorandum that he is to pay 12J 
marks a year. The officers of the Exchequer were empowered by royal 
writs to make terms for payment of the king's debts ; such arrangements 
ceased on the want of punctual payment, but might be renewed after 
payment. Accordingly, iu 1238, Alexander de Hilton recovered his 
terms which he had forfeited in 1235. 16 In 1244, a balance of the debt 
was paid, and Hilton was quit. 

This transaction introduces us to the estate of Swine, which was 
held by the Hiltons of the archbishop. It has generally been supposed 
that they were part of the inheritance of Tison 17 and it is a coincidence 
that Winestead church is dedicated to St. German, but the evidence 
points to a family of Verli as the former owners. 

In the Valor Ecclesiasticus of Henry VIII., under the nunnery of 
Swine (which, however, in 33 Edw. I. comprised " magister, fratres, 
canonici, et moniales"), 18 there occurs the payment of an ox for victuals 
and 16s. in money to commemorate the obit of "Master Robert Virley, 
first founder of this house." The date of the foundation may be arrived 
at by the confirmation of Robert de Verli' s gift of the church of S. Mary 
in Swine, by Hugh de Pusac, then treasurer of York Cathedral, who 
became Bishop of Durham in 1153, before King Stephen's death. 19 
Another payment of 1L 18s. 4d. follows, for the obit of Richard 
Virley, nephew, (nepotis) of the said Robert. In 1184, Hugh de Verli 
gave 40s. to the king that he may be quit of his oath in a plea of land 
against William de Ottringham. In 5 Hen. III. 1220-1, Robert de 
Verli granted to Henry de Pocklington, a servant of Easington, and Mar- 
garet his wife, the homage and service of Jolm de Hilton for an oxgang in 
"Wynsted. In 1308 evidence was given that the boundary between 
Waghen and Swyne was from Seggesholme as far as the beach tree 

18 Memor. 22 Hen. iii. Rot. 9. b. 

17 The name lingers in the East Riding. Isaac, son of Thomas Tyson, of Swine, 
was baptized in 1711, and Thomas Tyson himself was buried at Swine in 1713. 

18 Thompson's Swine, 15. 

19 One Hugh de Verli is said to have given to John Lascels half a carucate in Swine 
at a still earlier date, in Henry I.'s reign. 


which Heni*y de Verley cut down on Brauncesholme, and, in 1252, 
Lady Amabilla de Verley presents a rector to "Winestead. 20 

Thus the Verlis held Swine and Winestead after the marriage be- 
tween Hilton, and Tison. In after times the Hiltons held manorial 
rights in the two places and presented to Winestead, but the Suttona 
seem to have owned half the manor of Swine. Probably this Alexander 
de Hilton and one of the Suttons married coheiresses of Verli, the former 
taking the lion's share in consideration of paying the crown debts of 
Hugh de Verli. In the Valor Ecclesiasticus the nuns are found owning 
the site of a manor-house, and as. in similar cases, the priory lands were 
no doubt designated a manor. According to the same Valor, the nuns 
also held lands in Wynestead. 

To return to the Northumberland estates. In 1240 there was a 
fine levied respecting the land and wood within the following boundaries. 
From Milneden by an old dike to Colepeteburn ; and from Colepeteburn. 
descending to the footpath called Oysinred j and by that footpath as- 
cending from Colepeteburn to the hoar of the wood (ad koram bosci] ; 
and so by the hoar of the wood to the way which leads under Haw- 
thorneley ; and thence to the other Hawthornley ; and next by Greteley 
to Lemetley ; and from Lemetley towards the north east to Alreburn. 
Stephen Abbot of Newminster stated that Alexander de Hilton took 
more of the above land and wood than pertained to his tenement of Sip- 
pillebotle. By the present fine, Hilton acknowledged that the lands and 
wood within the following boundaries belonged to the abbey. From 
the east side towards the abbot's grange of Stretton, viz. : as the dike 
which is called Ruedich on the west side of "Wyteleys ascends from 
Keket (Coquet) towards the north to a certain green boundary (viridem 
divisam, i. e. a balk) ; and by that boundary as it is wont to be, and as 
stones are placed on either side to Merethorn ; and from Merethorn to- 
wards the North across the meadow by heaps of stones ; and so by a 
certain sike to Hunthakesden ; and from Hunthakesden by heaps of 
stones to the sike which descends to (var. from) Milneden ; and so to 
Milneden ; and thence by the boundary between the monks and Hugh 
de Haysand as the dike descends to Colepetheburn ; and so descending 
by Colepetheburn to a cross in the bottom (in profundo). And from 
that cross as the dike which Alexander raised extends itself to Alreburn. 
The abbot on his part acknowledged Hilton's title to the land and woods 
between the said boundaries on the west side and his manors of Sipil- 
botle and Gysnes. 

20 Poulson's Holderness, 


We now come to a very singular instrument printed in the Monasticon. 
Matilda the prioress and the convent of Swine agree with Sir Alexander 
de Hilton, knight, who gave them nine oxgangs in Swine if he should 
die in 1241 (qwd absit\ that if he should die in the second year next 
following, three, and if in the third year, six of the oxgangs should re- 
turn to his heirs, after the completion of the term agreed upon by an 
indenture. If he kept the convent indemnified for the said three years, 
they were bound to return to his heirs the charter of feoffment which he 
made to them and the said land and other lands, after the term of six 
years. And if he died within the three last years, and his heirs would 
not warrant to the convent the manor of Swine, with the lands and tene- 
ments in Otringham, which he demised to them, for six years, his execu- 
tors should within those years pay damages for the default. 

Burton, in his MS. pedigree of Hilton of Swine, at Burton Constable, 
mentions a charter of Alexander in 26 Hen. III., 1241, giving the ox- 
gangs at Swine and tenements. The transaction is evidently connected 
with the baron's journey to the Holy Land ; for in 1241 William de 
Fortibus, Earl of Albemarle, a right valiant knight, Peter de Malolacu 
(Mauley) of Poictou by nation, and some time brought up and enriched 
under the patronage of King John, Ebeline de Rocheford of Poictou, 
John Ansard, Alexander de Hiltun, Geoffrey de Chandelers, and many 
other nobles of the realm, took their journey with great preparation to 
Jerusalem, commending themselves to the prayers of the religious. 21 

Doubtless Alexander died during his expedition, for 

ROBEBT DE HILTON, his son and heir, was a minor in 1243, when 
Archbishop Grey granted to his steward, Sir William de Widindon, the 
custody of the land which was Sir Alexander de Helton's in the manor 
of Swine, until the lawful age of his heirs. 22 In 1246 Walter de Grey, 
the archbishop's nephew, had similar custody of the land which was 
Alexander de Hylton's of the archbishop's fee in Wynestow. 23 We 
have equally clear evidence of his possession of the Durham and North- 
umberland estates in their ancient tenure.- In the Feoda Militum, 
printed in 1 Surtees, cxxvii, which bears internal evidence of a date 
during this baron's minority, " The heir of Hilton holds three knights' 
fees" between the Tyne and Tees. And so, in the list of Northumbrian 
baronies in the Testa de Nevil, which mentions William de Vesci, who 
died in 1253, we find, under the barony of Vesci, that " Robert de 
Hilton holds Schiplingbotill, Newton, Haysand, Gynis, and Eenington 

21 Matt. Paris, 551. 

22 Dated at Cawood 6 Kal. Apr. anno cons. 27. (Keg. Grey.) 

23 Ibid. 4 Kal. Maii, anno cons. 30. 


by two fees of ancient feoffment." And, under " the socage of Cor- 
brigg," we read that " the heir of Alexander de Hilton holds in Werke- 
wrth one toft for I2d." As to the custody of the Durham estates, 
we find that in 1249, William Harepin, clerk, chaplain of Hilton, 
in swearing fealty to the church of Durham, and observation of the 
composition of 1172, states that he was presented "by Lady Isonda, 
to whom belongs the presentation of the same by reason of the custody 
of Heltun, the custody being received from the lord Prior up to the 
feast of St. Michael." From this document (which is printed in 2 Sur. 
380, and is witnessed by William de Heltun), I can only conceive that 
any doubts whether the advowson passed with the manor, were intended 
to be removed by the prior, the owner of the mother church of Wear- 
mouth giving a special and temporary power to present. 

In 1254, William de Lonesdale was presented to the chapel by 
" Robert de Hilton, son and heir of the late Sir Alexander de Hilton." 
The young lord addresses the instrument to the Prior of Durham, and 
dates it from Sumerton, and because " my seal is not known to you, I 
have procured the seal of the reverend father my lord Archbishop of 
York to be affixed to these presents." Notwithstanding the custom of 
procuring the annexation of well-known seals to deeds, it does appear, 
at first sight, to be a peculiarity, that a Prior of Durham should be ig- 
norant of the bearing of a Hilton ; and though an ordinary difference 
between a father's and a son's seal may have been sufficient under 
doubtful circumstances to have put the recipient of a presentation upon 
his guard, there is a remarkable coincidence between the entry and the 
first evidences of a completely changed bearing for the house of Hilton. 
What the young lord's seal really was is not left to conjecture. It bore 
the simple charge of two bars instead of the gallant lion of Alexander his 
father the bars, or castle-bars as some call them, which have been so 
fruitful a source of early fable, and, by the devices of heralds, have been 
retired from their true date to the days of Athelstan and the nuns of 
Hartlepool. The seal is affixed to a grant witnessed by Sir John de 
Vesci (1253 to 1289), by which " Robert de Helton, knt., son of Alex- 
ander de Helton," gave to the prior for his hostelry, or place for the 
entertainment of strangers, all his land in the Bailey at Durham, be- 
tween the church of St. Mary in the South Bailey ("Dr. Raine's 
church"), and the wall of the prior and convent in length, and in 
breadth beside the king's highway from the corner of the great stable to 
the same church. A note on the charter informs us that the premises 
were, afterwards called " Ortum Ostellarii." 2 * 

24 4 Sur. ii. p. 161. 


The colour of the arms was the same as afterwards, the blazon being 
eet out in the Eoll of Arms t. Edw. I., printed in 1 Antiq. Eep. : " Sir 
Eobert Hylton, Argent et ij barres Azure." It would perhaps be idle 
to speculate at length on the probable significance of the new arms, yet 
one cannot help noticing that the archbishop of whom Hilton held his 
lands in Yorkshire, whose family had the custody of them during his 
youth, and who lent his seal to authenticate the ward's charter, was 
Walter Grey, whose arms were Barry of 6 Argent and Azure. 

In 41 Hen. TIL, 1256-7, we have upon the charter roll a grant to 
Eobert Helton of free warren in Sheplingbotle manor, Eenyngton manor, 
and Helton manor, in Northumberland, and in Swyne manor and 
Wynested manor, in Yorkshire. The treatment of Hilton here, and that 
of the warrens generally in the Placita de quo warranto of 1298, 
in which Durham occurs as a mere franchise in the great county of 
Northumberland, throw considerable doubt upon the bishop's power to 
confer the privilege of free warren. 

In 1264, " Sir Eobert de Hilton demorant a Hilton " appears among 
" les nonxes des chivallers demorantez en le franchise de Duresme, demz 
Tyne et Teys, qui furent a baner en le temps le roy Henry fitz le roy 
John a le bataill de Lewes entre lavaunt dit roy Henry et Sir Symond 
de Monford counte de Leicestre." 25 Like his feudal lord, John de 
Yesci, Hilton supported the cause of the barons. John de Yesci was 
taken on the field of Evesham, and was deprived of Alnwick castle, but 
in 1266 he entered into a combination of his party, and by force re- 
gained his castle, Hilton accompanying him. Prince Edward marched 
to the rescue and compelled a surrender, but obtained a pardon for 
Yesci. It was deemed prudent to allow the defeated but still formida- 
ble insurgents to redeem their forfeited acres, the redemption money 
being distributed among the grantees of the escheats. This was effected 
by the Dictum de Kenil worth. 

A jury assembled at Sypplingbotill in 1267, and found that Eobert 
de Hilton's lands in Northumberland comprised the manors of Eeming- 
ton, Sypplingbotill, and Gysennys, with lands at Haysand and Nor- 
manley, &c., all held of Alnwick Castle. 26 At Eemington the demesne 
lands were composed of eight score acres of arable and six acres of pas- 
ture, &c., total, value 6/. Os. 2d. ; at Sypplingbotill of fourteen score 
acres, &c. Many other rentals of mills, rents, services, &c., follow, and 
the sum total of the extent was 661. 8s. 2^. 27 In 54 Hen. III., 1269-70, 
an Essex jury presents that Eobert de Helton, who was in the castle of 

25 Grecnwell's Hatfield's Survey, xiv. 26 Cal. Inquis. 27 Surtees. 


Annewik against the king, had land in the hundred of Karleford, in 
Waldringfell. 28 

The possession of those southern lands is accounted for hy Sir Robert's 
marriage to Joan, one of the coheiresses of William Breton, which is 
proved by the summons roll of an army to meet at Worcester in 1277, 
and proceed against the Welch, where we meet with the entry " Essex. 
Memorand. de heredibus Willielmi de Bretun qui de Rege tenuit in capite 
ux. Roberti de Hilton, ux. Walter! de A.naver', ux. Willielmi de Hun- 
tinfeud." In 1280, Robert de Hilton acknowledged by a fine that he 
and Joan his wife held a messuage and 4 carucates of land in Lalleford 
and Criche, of Adam de Lascy by the service of 201. a year. 29 The 
year after, Hilton gave Lacy 4.51. for a remission of all arrears of services 
for lands in Essex, and his homage he must do according to the tenor of 
his writings. 30 

In the Hundred Rolls for Northumberland, 1274-5, we find, under 
Kokedale Ward, that Roger Bertram of Mitford had sold the wood of 
Estrineside to Robert de Hilton, yielding the rent of Id., that tho latter 
then held it, and that it was worth 40s. per annum. The same Roger had 
given to Robert de Galmetorpe a carucate of land in the town of Quer- 
gar, yielding the rent of Id., and Robert de Hilton then held it of the 
same Roger Bertram by that service. 

It was probably this Robert who entered into a fresh agreement with 
the monks of Newminster for the rectifying and certifying the bounda- 
ries between their grange of Stretton and Sycpelbotle. By this arrange- 
ment Robert de Hilton was permitted to make a fence (Jiayam) from the 
watercourse (aquaductu] which comes from Colepethford, between the 
park of the abbot and the wood of the said Robert, to a stone cross. 
And that fence extended itself to Moryley and to the tongue of land 
(lyng'm} which comes from Buheley, and so towards the east to Witeleys, 
and so to the dike which is the boundary between the field of Stratton and 
the land called Percy land. All places within the fence towards Sicpel- 
botle which were the convent's, were to belong to Hilton in perpetual 
exchange for all places on the other side of the fence towards the grange 
of Stratton, which were Hilton's, and were now to be the possession of 
the monks. Another exchange took place between the same parties. 
In the latter case the abbot and convent make a dike from the dike 
which is the boundary betweeu the field of Stratton and Percy lande, 

28 Placita de terns datis et occupatis occasione turbacionis in regno Anglije. These 
Placita contain the record of the proceedings in consequence of the Dictum de Kenil- 
worth in Essex, Northampton, Suffolk, and Cambridge. 

29 Abb. Hac. In the margin is " Ebor. Essex." 3 Ibid. 


and it extends to Smaleburn, which is the boundary between the lands 
of the said Robert and the land of Botlestone. All lands to the south 
of it which were Hilton's are to remain to the convent in exchange for 
their lands on the north of it, which are to be Hilton's. 

In 1289 Robert de Hiltone was found to hold Schipilbodille, with its 
members, by two knights' fees and the yearly rent of 26s. 8d., and in re- 
spect of the increase of Hugh llibaud's tenement in Brokefield, \\^d. 
And it is worth 100 marks per annum. 31 In 1293 he stands first on the 
list of the legaliores milites of the county who were impannelled to as- 
certain the Umfreville liberties in Redesdale. He himself was summoned 
to show by what warrant he claimed free warren in his demesne lands 
in Shepelingbotle, without the license and will of the king and his 
progenitors. He answered by producing the charter of 1256-7, granting 
to him (eidem Roberto] and his heirs free warren in all his demesne lands 
in the manors of Shepelingbotle, Renington and Hilton which were not 
within the (king's) forest. Then a jury was summoned to enquire 
whether they were within the metes of the forest, and as to Hilton's 
usage of other liberties. They found that he had reasonably used war- 
ren since the charter, and that the lands were not in the forest. On 
that point, therefore, Hilton was dismissed sine die. But the jurors, be- 
ing asked if he was used to have other liberties which he now claimed, 
say that he and his ancestors for time immemorial have taken wares 
when the assize of ale was broken, from their tenants, and often punished . 
them by amerciaments et non judicialiter. Therefore the said liberty is 
taken into the king's hand as distress, and Hilton makes a fine of half a 
mark for replevying it, and may go sine die. Free warren in all his 
lands within the liberty of Durham was allowed him. 32 

"We thus have proof that the Robert de Hilton of 1293 was he of 1256. 
Between him and another Robert intervened for a very brief space SIR 
ALEXANDER DE HILTON, whose widow Elizabeth had dower in 32 Edw. 
I., 1303-1304. From 1295 to 1303 we have a continuous series of 
summonses of Robert de Hilton as a baron of the realm, in right, as it 
would appear, of the Breton inheritances held in capite. Whether these 
are to be given to the first or second Robert is a question. If Elizabeth's 
dower had accrued but recently before 1304, they will belong to the 
elder Robert. In 1295 he would not be older than 65. 

Robert de Hilton was summoned to the parliaments to be held at 
Westminster on 1 Aug. and 13 Nov. 1295, though his name does not 

31 Inq. p. m. Job. Vescy, 17 E. I. Hartshorne's Northumberland Memoirt, cxx.J 

32 Placita de qito warranto, 


occur in the writs for the prorogation of the latter to December. In 
1296 he was summoned to a parliament to be holden at Bury St. Ed- 
mund's on 3 Nov., and in 1297 to another to be holden at Salisbury on 
24 Feb. of that year. No more summonses to parliament appear, and 
perhaps some will be inclined to draw a lino of demarcation between 
the generations in this year, daring which, however, a person of the same 
name was summoned to perform military service in his own person at 
the musters of Newcastle against the Scots on Dec. 6. In 1298 he was 
summoned among the " barons " to be at the Carlisle muster of June 6, 
and to the adjourned muster of Aug. 2. In July he was discharged 
from attendance at Carlisle, but to be ready to proceed on forty days' 
notice, and he was accordingly summoned to a muster at York, on Nov. 12. 
He was one of the commissioners appointed to summon the knights of North- 
umberland to a muster at Carlisle, 24 June, and in April was enjoined 
to enforce the muster of the levies of the men at arms in Northumberland 
pursuant to his commission. In January, 1303, he was enjoined to 
place himself with horses, arms, and all his forces under the command 
of John de Segrave, the king's lieutenant in Scotland. All these ap- 
pointments may be seen more fully in the Parliamentary Writs. There 
were meetings of parliament in 1299, 1300, and 1302, but Hilton was 
not summoned to any of them. Robert de Hilton the second lived till 
1322, but I have no more evidences of the name in public life. 

"Robert de Hilton the elder had three sons, 1. ALEXANDEB, the con- 
tinuator of the main line, as before mentioned. 2. William, on whose 
marriage in 1288 with the coheiress of Lascelles, his father settled the 
manors of Swine and Winestead, as will be noticed in connection with 
Swine hereafter. 3. Germanus, who, as " son of Sir Robert de Hilton, 
knight," received from William fitz-Richard of North Wydeslade, lands 
at Blakeden (Blagdon, par. Stannington) in the Plessis fee. The charter 
is printed in 2 Hod. ii, 347, and was made before 1299, Robert Bertram 
dying in this year. He seems to have died issueless, as the same lands 
were alienated by his nephew Robert fitz- Alexander de Hilton, by a 
charter witnessed by one of the Guischard de Charrons. 

During the time of Sir Robert the elder we may probably place the 
admission to the chapel of Hilton of Master John de Dertheford (Bede- 
ford in dorso) s.d., and that of Geoffrey de Leuesham presented by Robert 
de Hilton in 1 297. This Geoffrey in 1 32 1 sealed with the device of a dove 
or some such innocent bird pounced upon by one of the carnivorous 
denizens of the air, and the legend ALAS IE sv PEIS. This device is 
not uncommon. (See the Norwich volume of the Archasological 


I have thus given groundworks on which the early pedigree of the 
Hiltons depends, and the following is the result : 

Romanus de Helton, knight, of Helton, co. Dur. 1157-1166. =?.... 

r " ~~ " " ' 

Alexander de Helton, Lord of Helton, a baron =F Qu. Agnes de Hilton remarried to 
of the Bishop of Durham, 1172, 1197. | German Tison before 1209. 

William Helton, dead in 1208. =r Lady Bone, daughter and heiress of German Tison. 

Sir Alexander de Helton, son and heir, a mi- 
nor in 1208 ; went to Palestine 1241, died be- 
fore 1243. ARMS A. demi-lion passant. 

Agnes German, Some daugh- 
(deVerli ?) a minor ters, minors 
1208. 1208. 

Sir Robert de Hilton, knt., son and heir, a minor 1243, of age 1254 ; =5= Joan, dau. and 

living 1 293. He settled the manors of Swine and "Winestead on 
his son "William's marriage with Maud Lascelles in 1288. 

coh. of William 

Sir Alexander =F= Elizabeth, William, German, had lands at Blagdon, 

de Hilton. had dower A QUO par. Stannington, before 1299, 

I 1303-4. HILTON DE SWINE. died s. p. 

Sir Robert de Hilton, heir to his uncle German, 

In this portion of the pedigree, to have separated the estates "would have 
caused much tautology and destroyed the mutual bearings of the scanty 
evidences of an early period. But henceforth the manor of Swine has 
its separate lords in the members of a younger house of a dignity per- 
haps superior to their elder brethren ; the domestic history of the Dur- 
ham estates is capable of more ample illustration than before, while the 
Northumbrian estates are of insignificant importance. I shall therefore 
for the present detach such notices as I have of them, and leave the 
general history of the Hiltons to be taken up afterwards. 

Mr. Hartshorne (p. 148 of his Northumberland volume), prints a list 
of fees in 1296. " Supponitur esse Kirkby Quest " in which " Robert 
de Hilton holds two knights' fees in Shilibotell, Haysand, and Gisenes of 
John de Vescy, and he of the king." 

In the Inq. p. m. of Henry de Percy, the new lord of Alnwick, 1314, 
we find that Robert de Hilton holds 2 fees and 13 parts [l-13th part?] 
of a fee in Schippellingbotell, Heysaund, Gysins, Neuton, Renington, 
and Brokkesfeld, and renders yearly for Castle-ward 27s. 7|<Z., and the 
said tenements are worth 100 marks per annum. 33 

Sir Robert Hilton II. died in 1322. His son and successor, Sir 
Alexander de Hilton, applied in 1334 to give a messuage and 106 acres 
in Broxfield to the Abbey of Aluwyke. A jury found that by his so 

33 Hartshorne, cxxiij. 


doing, no loss would accrue to the king, and that Sir Henry Percy was 
mesne lord between the king and Alexander, who held, besides the 
donation, the vills of Shipplingbotyll, Haysand, Gysens, Remington, and 
Newton-on--the-Moor, of Henry Percy in chief, by the service of 2 
knights' fees. 34 

The subsequent history of these estates is unknown to me, but they 
seem to have been alienated by the Hiltons before the 15th century. 
Guyzance itself stands in a very anomalous position. Mr. Hartshorne 
(p. 189) states that in Mason's Survey of 1618, Gusance is treated as a 
parcel of the parish of Braneslawe (Brainshaugh). In the Book of Kates 
of 1663, the contents and proprietors stand thus : 

BRAINSHAUGH, Extra-parochial. 

Brainshaugh Mrs. Ossmotherly. 

Barnhills "Wm. "Widdrington, of the same. 


Guison Town Mrs. Osmotherly. 

Mill My Lord, a part. 

Tyth Mr. Robt. Widdrington. 

Fulling MiU E. Northumbd. 

and Barnhill Petty Tythes. 

In the census, Guyzance occurs as a township in the parish of Shilbottle, 
a connection quite in keeping with its feudal history. But, judging 
from the early mention of the church in the Halgh, it is very probable 
that we really have the relics of an obsolete parish. I am told that 
burials are performed among the ruins by the incumbents of any of 
the three surrounding parishes of Felton, Shilbotle, and Warkworth, 
without reference to jurisdiction, and that the chapel is known as that 
of Brainshaugh rather than that of Guyzance. I do not at all see the 
supposed identity between Brainshaugh and the meadow called Braines- 
lei in the park of John fitz-Robert, Lord of Warkworth, who gave it 
to the Prior and convent of Durham. 35 The tenures seem quite distinct. 
The ground at Guyzance is broken and uncultivated, and altogether 
very wildly beautiful. The mill is still an interesting object, and near 
it is a ferry, over which a pretty Northumbrian maiden steers the fortun~ 
ate passenger. 


84 Surteea. ** See Raine's North Durham, Appendix, for the grant. 



NXTMEEOTTS letters of fraternity granted by the Benedictine monks of 
Durham have been printed by the Surtees Society, and an interesting 
list of the recipients is given by Dr. Raine in the Durham Obituary 
Rolls published by the same body. A letter from the Friars Minor of 
Hartlepool under special circumstances is printed in 1 Sur., ii , 27. The 
following is the blank form of the Friars Minors, with an illuminated 
initial letter. The words in italics were filled in by a much inferior 
scribe after the date for which the form had been calculated. 

The document has been submitted to the Society by Monsignor Eyre, 
and came from Sheffield. The Wormley family were of Hatfield, near 
Doncaster. (See Hunter's Don caster, i. 175.) 

In Christo sibi karissimis Johannes \_sic] Wormlay et Cecilia \sic\ con- 
sorti suae, Frater Thomas Fratrum Minorum in Anglia provincialis min- 
ister et servus, salutem, et per oracionum suffragia regna celestia 
promereri. Devocionem sinceram quam ad nostrum habetis ordinem ob 
Christi reverenciara ut accepi, diligencius attendens affectuoseque accep- 
tans quo ad ea precipue qua? salutem continent animarum, quantum cum 
Deo valeo vobis vices cupio refundere salutares. Idcirco omnium missa- 
sarum, oracionum, jejuniorum, asperitatum, vigiliarum, predicacionum, 
ceterorumque bonorum qua3 per fratres sub mea cura constitutes miseri- 
corditer operari dignabitur clemencia Salvatoris, tarn in vita quam post 
mortem, participacionem perpetuam vobis concedo per presentes : adjiciens 
nihilominus de gracia speciali ut cum obitus vestri memoria in nostro 
provincial! capitulo fuerit recitata, idem pro vobis fiat quo ad universa et 
singula quod pro fratribus et amicis ordinis nostri defunctis ibidem re- 
comendatis fieri consuevit. Valete feliciter sub vexillo summi regispau- 
peris crucifix! et sua? matris dulcissima3 clamide virginali. Data in nostro 

provincial! capitulo \infesto , erased] celebrate in festo asumpcionis 

virginis gloriosa Anno Domini, Millesimo cccc.lx [v erased] iz?. 



NORTH TYNE, in the days of Camden, was looked upon as a terra incog- 
nita, as a \vaste of evil repute, the haunt of thieves and border reivers, 
where no king's messenger had dared to show himself, or to display the 
symbols of his authority. The description of the condition of this valley 
at that period, as given in the reports of Sir llobert Bowes and others, 
amply confirms this view, and exhibits a curious condition of a lawless 
population inhabiting the border lands of the two rival kingdoms. Here 
there seems, in the time we speak of, to have been no great ruling power 
110 feudal lord whose presence overawed the tributaries; but a num- 
ber of petty freeholders, each securing himself in his fortified peel -house, 
as best he might, against the incursions of the Scots, or the not less 
dreaded attacks of his own immediate neighbours. In other parts of 
England, the feudal power was gradually breaking down, the laws were 
more respected, and property became more safe ; while in Tynedale we 
have evidence to prove that the state of the country had seriously dete- 
riorated during the 300 years preceding the period we speak of. But, 
in 1279, the date of the evidence referred to, North Tynedale was a 
part of the possessions of the Scottish king, and there was consequently 
not the incentive " to make raids on the Scottish syde," as was the case 
at a later period. 

The regality or liberty of Tynedale was one of the royal manors ; and 
of this district, Wark, where the barony court is still held, was the capi- 
tal. The old church of Wark stood about a mile north of the town, 
at the Kirkfield where the altar-stone, marked with its five crosses, 
was recently to be seen. In the centre of the village of Wark, there 
stood formerly an old peel or stronghold, out of which a large portion of 
the present square was constructed. This, however, was not the site of 
the courts : they were held, as in Scotland, on the Mote Hill, a large 
artificial mound near the town, and on which there are still traces of 
strong buildings. We are not sure that there was ever a castle on this 
mound. No mention is made of any such in the Compotus of 1289, re- 


turned by Thomas de Normanville to Edward I. of England, after the 
death of Alexander III. But it is there stated that there was a capital 
messuage and a garden there. It is possible that the old building in 
the centre of the square at Wark may have been the old prison, for the 
repairs of the gate of which, the sum of tenpence was paid in 1289. 

Cumberland and part of Northumberland was ceded by King Stephen 
to David King of Scotland ; but were resumed by Henry II. in the third 
year of his reign. Shortly after, however, Tynedale was again granted 
to William the Lion, to be held under homage only, and jura regalia were 
there enjoyed by the Scottish sovereigns. But of the exercise of these 
rights of the modes of procedure at "Wark in these early days of the 
names of parties occupying land in Tynedale, and holding official posi- 
tions under the Scottish Crown very little indeed was known, save 
in the scattered notices of the Pipe Rolls, and from a few remaining 
charters, chiefly in the possession of the Swinburne family. It is there- 
fore with the greatest satisfaction that we hail the publication of a most 
important document relative to this district, among the papers recently 
edited by the Archaeological Institute in the two volumes relating to 

The document in question is the Roll of the Justices Itinerant of King 
Alexander III. of Scotland, of the pleas held at Wark in the 31st year 
of that monarch's reign. This was the same Alexander who, in 1263, 
defeated Hakon the Old, King of Norway, at the battle of Largs ; and 
possibly some of the stout soldiers "of the North Tyne crossed swords 
with the Norsemen on that eventful day. In this document we find a 
most curious picture of the manners and customs of those times of the 
tenures of land and the names of the tenants at that distant period- 
many of whom hold the same lands at the present day. " It represents," 
observes the Rev. Mr. Hartshorne, the learned editor of the volume in 
which the Her is published, "the condition of the inhabitants of Tynedale 
at this period with vivid colouring, and is a valuable history of the dis- 
trict, since it exhibits tenures of land which were then common, the 
names of proprietors and tenants (names in numerous instances still pre- 
valent), the term of their occupancy, the nature of vassalage, the rights 
of the Crown and its power of fine and amercement, its prerogative of 
mercy, the well regulated mode of trial by an assize, and the establish- 
ment of a jury all of which elements of justice are clearly visible in 
the various entries of this official record. This system of jurisprudence 
was carried out by the itinerant justices who sat at Wark, with consid- 
erable care, as well as with scrupulous attention to prescribed forms and 
legal usage. These functionaries neither determined contrary to evid- 
ence, nor did the jury usurp the duty of the judges." 


The judges of the Scottish Crown who sat at "Wark in this year (1279), 
the only one of which a record has been preserved, were Thomas llan- 
dolph, Symon Freser or Frazer, Hugh de Peresby, and David de Tor- 

The Iter itself is, of course, drawn in the rather cramped law Latin 
of the time ; and this perhaps will serve as our excuse for making a few 
brief extracts and notes on its more remarkable details ; and our local 
acquaintance with the district referred to has been of no small aid in 
identifying many localities here alluded to. It is possible that some of 
the details may be more personally interesting to ourselves than to others; 
but we wish to convey an accurate picture of North Tynedale as it was 
nearly six hundred years ago. What a fund of curious information is 
laid bare to us by this fragmentary record of a single year's judicial pro- 
ceedings at the old Mote Hill at Wark ! "We learn who were the chief 
oppressors of the people. We see the deference paid to the office of cor- 
oner and to the decisions of twelve jurymen in doubtful cases. The 
Swinburne holds the lands now possessed by his representative, the 
venerable President of this Society; while of another powerful family, 
the De Bellinghams, not a trace now remains in the town that bears 
their name. It is strange, too, to find how hereditary is the love of the 
chase in some families how that Eobert Homel or Humble was fined 
for fishing salmon in close time, when no doubt he was as little able to 
resist the temptation of securing the lordly fish as his descendants of 
that name at the present day. 

The names of the sheriffs after the last Iter were "William de Bell- 
ingham, John de Swynburne, and John de Warewyke ; and of the cor- 
oners, John de Schutelington, Gilbert de Grendon, and Odoard de Rideley. 
Amongst the names of the jurors of Tynedale we find the following : 
William de Schepelaw (Shipley), Thomas de Thirlwall, Matthew de 
Whitfield, and Thomas Bell ; while John de Maughan is a juror of New- 
brough, and Roger Colstan (Coulson) and Richard Homel are inmates of 
the prison at Wark. Parties are constantly designated as living on the 
Wall. Thus, Adam the son of Robert of the Wall (filius Roberti de 
Muro), Huchtred of the Wall, and Hugh of the Wall, all claim posses- 
sion of certain lands near Haltwhistle and the Walltown. 

We shall now briefly notice some of the various pleas brought against 
sundry parties for forcible dispossession of land, &c. 

William de Swinburne first claims our attention. He was treasurer 
to Margaret Queen of Scotland ; for a letter in his favour from that 
queen is still extant, recommending our beloved in Christ, William de 
Swinburne, our treasurer, to the favourable notice of William de Mer- 
ton, Chancellor of England. 


In 1263, William de Swyneburne paid 10s., for rent of land in Old 
Halgton, Halgton, Halgton Strothers, and Halgton (now Haughton, near 
Humshaugh). He was evidently a powerful chieftain, and greatly in- 
volved in disputes with his weaker neighbours, whose lands he seems to 
have been disposed to lay claim to at all seasons. We fear that John de 
Tecket and Joan his wife acted but foolishly when they brought a com- 
plaint before the justices at Wark, that William de Swinburne had 
wrongfully dispossessed them of their free pasturage in Haughton Stro- 
ther and in Nunewicke, belonging to their free tenement in Simondburn. 
And William de Swinburne, more learned, doubtless, in the byepaths of 
the law, calls the attention of the court that their writ is incorrect in 
form (viciosum est et peccat in forma), which the said John and Joan 
could not gainsay ; wherefore they take nothing by their complaint, and 
remain at the mercy of the court pro falsa clamore. A similar action, 
relating to Haughton, is brought by John Mowbray for pasturage apper- 
taining to his free tenement in Ho unshale( Humshaugh) but with no bet- 
ter success. 1 Symon the Palmer, too, must needs try his hand against the 
Swinburne in the matter of those same pastures ; but he fails like the 
rest. Again : William de Swinburne is summoned by Christiana, widow 
of Hugh de Nunnewike (Nunwick), to obtain her dower of 26 acres of 
land in Nunwick; but this is soon amicably arranged. Shortly after, 
John de West Denton appears by his bailiff, William de Swethope, 
against William de Swinburne, for the unlawfully dispossessing him of 
39 acres of land in Haughton. But the Swinburne's good fortune follows 
him, and he proves that he, by John de Swinburne, had been enfeoffed 
of the said lands by John of West Denton ; and so gains his cause. 
William de Tynedale acknowledges a debt to the said William de Swin- 
burne of 100 shillings, 20 shillings of which he pays down at once; and 
he further covenants to pay a half at Pentecost, and the other half of 
the remainder at the Feast of St. Martin ; and should he fail, the bailiff 
of the barony is to take the same out of his lands and cattle. Such are 
the scenes on which appears one of the direct ancestors of our venerable 
President. We see how he acquired lands, and with what success he 
defended his claims. 

Let us turn now to another of the magnates of Tynedale in those days 
to a family of which the name alone remains to indicate its former 
dignity. The De Bellinghams are now represented by an Irish baronet. 3 
They are said to have acquired the Levens estate, near Kendal, about 

1 But see p. xxx. of the record for later notices of these cases. Ed. 

2 In the record, the name is written Belingjam, indicating exactly the soft pronun- 
ciation of ffham in names of planes North of the Tyne, such as Ovingham, &c. Ed. 


1582 ; but it is not certain at what period they parted with the last acre 
of their lands at Bellingham. 3 They retained some interest in the district 
to a very late period. The site of their fortalice was probably on the 
east side of the Hareshaw burn, where an artificial mound is still visible, 
and is at no great distance from the mill which the De Bellinghams held 
of the Scottish king, paying for the latter in 1263 the enormous rent of 
ten pounds sterling. It may be that the chantry chapel of St. Catherine, 
in the very curious old stone-roofed church of Bellingham, was founded 
by this powerful family ; for William de Bellingham was, with John de 
Swineburne and John de "Warewyke, a sheriff of the regality. To judge 
from the records of this single Her, William de Bellingham seems to have 
passed his life in perpetual feud with his neighbours : and that, not only 
with the lesser landholders, but with the most powerful of all the great 
ecclesiastical dignitaries of Hexham and of Jedburgh. He retracted his 
complaint against the Prior of Hexham for trespass, but of his "differ- 
ences" with Nicholas de Prenderlathe, Abbot of Jed worth, we find the 
fullest and most ample details. The Abbot of Jcdworth, or more probably 
one of his predecessors, had received from the Scottish king the right 
of pasturage, and a tenement in Euelingjam (now Ealingham) a farm 
about two miles from Bellingham. There appears to have been a mill on 
this property at that time ; for it is more that once referred to, though 
it would be difficult now to fix its site. It is probable that it stood on 
the very small runner that comes down the valley directly south of 
Ealingham; and perhaps it was only one of those curious little mills 
which once existed in this country, and are still to be seen attached to 
almost every farm in Shetland and Orkney. The mills on the Tyne, 
however, were of much greater importance. In 1263, not less than 
1 11. a year was paid as rent for the mill at Wark ; and in the same year 
10s. was disbursed for the repairs of the said mill, by altering the course 
of the Warksburn. The origin of the dispute between the abbot and 
William de Bellingham was one that is frequent enough in North Tyno 
at the present day viz., a complaint of injury received through the 
fences of the opposite party on the adjacent land being kept in bad re- 
pair. William de Bellingham held at that time the lands and patronage 
of Hesleyside, which adjoin to Ealingham, and now both belong to one 
proprietor. The abbot makes complaint that De Bellingham keeps his 
ditches and hedges (fossas et hayas) of Hesleyside in such bad repair, 
that the flocks and cattle of the said abbot, pasturing at Euelingham, 
are liable to stray on to the lands at Hesleyside, and there are captured 

3 Certain quit rents continued to be paid to the representatives of the Bellinghams, 
for lands in North Tynedale as late as the year 1774. 


and impounded at Bellingham from day to day, to the damage of the 
said abbot of 20J. sterling. De Bellingham replies that the hedges and 
ditches before the issuing of the writ and since the summer have been 
as well kept up as they ought to be at those times. The parties agree, 
Bellingham taking the initiative. As a counter plea, De Belling- 
ham summons the abbot to show cause why he (De Bellingham) should 
not be entitled to free pasturage for two mares with their foals, for two 
years, in the abbot's parks at Euelingham ; for "William de Beliingham 
asserts that he was in seisin of the said common in the time of King 
Henry, the father of the Lord Edward, now King of England j and also 
in the time of the Lord Alexander, now King of Scotland ; and that 
the said abbot deprived him illegally of the said common. De Belling- 
ham may have been a good swordsman and leader of a fray, but he was 
no match in a point of law with the Abbot of Jed worth. It was re- 
sponded on the part of the Church that it had been neglected to specify, 
in the narration, at what time of the year he claimed to have the right 
of pasturage ; nor had he named the period of the year for sending the 
animals into the abbot's parks. So William de Bellingham lost his 
plea, and remained at the mercy of the crown, pro falso clamore. The 
amercement was remitted. Another plea set up by De Bellingham 
against his foe, was, that the Abbot of Jedworth had unjustly detained 
a chirograph charter, which he had handed to his predecessor for inspec- 
tion. The abbot defends himself by alleging that there is no specifica- 
tion of the date and place of delivery of the said written document ; and 
that even if this were remedied, the said Nicholas his predecessor was 
still alive, and that an action would lie against him. De Bellingham 
loses this plea twice or thrice, the abbot loses his about the insufficient 
hedges as often ; and, wearied out, the parties conclude matters by a fine, 
as follows : 

" This is the final agreement made between the Abbot of Jeddeworthe 
on the one part, and William de Bellingham on the other part, before 
Thomas Randolph and his fellows, justices itinerant at Werke in Tyn- 
dale, on the morrow of the Epiphany, in the 31st year of the reign of 
King A lexander, upon divers contentions there between them moved- 
viz., on the part of the abbot as regards the repairs of the ditches and 
hedges of the said William in Heselyside, and also regarding the com- 
mon of pasture at Hesilyside belonging to the free tenement of the said 
abbot in Euelingham ; and on the part of the said William, respecting 
the annual rent of thirteen bolls of flour aud four shillings in silver ; 
and also regarding the pasturage of two mares with their foals of two 
years in the parks of the said abbot in Euelingham. And that the said 
William, for himself and his heirs in perpetuity, agrees that he and his 
heirs shall well and sufficiently, according to the custom of the country, 


close and repair his ditches and hedges of Heselyside, from the Mabams- 
burne towards the east, to Strikeliscloyche (Stirkscleugh), and from 
Strikelscloyche to the Tyne, under the inspection of two lawful men of 
Belingham, two of Euelingham, two of Schutlington (Shitlington), and 
two of Charleton ; and that the said men shall inspect the said hedges 
and enclosures every year, in the week of Pentecost. And whensoever 
the said men, or the major part of them, shall decree reparations to be 
made in the said hedges and enclosures, these shall immediately be done 
by the said William and his heirs, in the following week, without delay, 
according to the order of the said men, or of the major part of them. 
And the said William, for himself and for his heirs in perpetuity, grants 
to the said abbot and to his successors, and to their tenants of Eueling- 
ham, common of pasture in Hesilyside within the said hedges in the 
open time of the year, for all his flocks, and without the hedges at all 
times of the year, as appertaining unto his free tenement in Euelingham. 
But still that his flocks shall lie each night on the east side of Strikelis- 
cloyche (Stirkscleugh)." 

De Bellingham also gives up all claim for the annual rent of thirteen 
bolls of flour and four shillings of silver ; as likewise to pasturage in 
Euelingham for two mares and their foals. And it is agreed likewise 
that the chirographs that have passed between Nicholas, once Abbot of 
Jed worth, and predecessor of the present abbot, and the said William, 
shall remain in full force. "And for this remise and quitclaim, the said 
abbot hath released and quitclaimed to the said William the common of 
pasture he possessed for forty mares with their foals of two years in Bel- 
ingeham, Wardlaw, and Grenacris, reserving to the said abbot and his 
successors common of pasture in the said vills for forty cows with their 
calves of one year, according to the tenor of the charter granted by Alan, 
the son of Wolfin, and grandfather of the said William, to the church of 
Blessed Mary at Jeddeworthe, and to the canons therein serving God." 

At this time, Adam, son of William de Bellingham, held an oxgang 
of land and 20 acres of meadow in Charlton. The possession of the Hes- 
leyside pastures does not seem to have brought tranquillity to the rapa- 
cious De Bellinghams : for their claims were disputed by other parties 
viz., by John de Schutelington and Adam de Charleton, both of whom 
complain that William de Bellingham had unjustly deprived them of 
200 acres of land and meadow at Hesleyside, to which they had free 
access, with all their cattle, after the grass and hay had been carried 
home, (post llada et fena asportata.} Adam de Charleton asserts that 
the said pasturage appertains to his free tenement in Little Charleton. 
William de Bellingham replies that the said tenement of Schutelington 
was formerly free forest of our lord the king, and that the king ap- 
proved a certain portion of the said pasture, and bestowed it on the said 
William. And that, with regard to Adam de Charleton, he never had 
been seised of the said common pasturage since, the king had demised 


the said tenement to the said "William. The jury, however, to their 
great honour, decide against the claim of De Bellingham, and that the 
claims of John de Shitlington and Adam de Charleton are good, as their 
writs state. Perhaps this is the earliest mention of the family of Charle- 
ton obtaining lands in Hesleyside which they have continued to hold 
to the present day. The old fortalice at Hesleyside was standing within 
the memory of persons yet living, as was also the peel at Charleton. 
Lastly, William de Bellingham is summoned to answer to the king by 
what title he claims to hold two parts of the manor of Bellingham, 
which belonged to the ancient demesne of our lord the king. De Bel- 
lingham replies that all his ancestors had held the two parts of the 
manor in question, with all their appurtenances, from time immemorial, 
under the predecessors of our lord the King of Scotland, by the service 
of being the foresters of the King of Scotland throughout all his forest 
of Tynedale, but declines to litigate with the king, and submits the plea 
to his grace. 

Such is an imperfect outline of one year's proceedings at "Wark Courts 
in the matter of the families of Swinburne and De Bellingham ; but 
there are other minor cases of curious interest. Thus, in a plea between 
Bartholomew de Prat and Robert de Insula (or De Lisle) of Chipchase, 
relative to rights of pasturage in Knaresdale, it was found that the 
plaintiff's grandfather had the right of pasturing his flocks as far as 
Tymberschaweburne, and as much beyond the said Tymberschaweburne 
as the flocks could return from in a single day, so as they might not 
pass a night beyond that burne. 

The felonies and acts of violence occupy a smaller space in the "Wark 
Her than might have been presumed from the supposed lawless state of 
the country. 

John of Hawelton and Thomas de Thirlwall do not seem to have con- 
fined their raids to Scotland ; for on the Sunday before the Feast of St. 
James, in the 18th year of Alexander King of Scotland, they had plun- 
dered the good town of "Wark of 30 oxen, each of the value of 10s. ; 18 
cows, each worth half a mark ; one bull, worth half a mark ; and fifteen 
other cattle, each of the value of 5s. ; besides 200 sheep, both wethers 
and ewes, each valued at twelve pence ; and that the said John of Hawel- 
ton drove them to his park at Swyinescholes (Sewingshields), and there 
unjustly detains them against the peace of our lord the king. 

The townships in which robberies and housebreakings occurred were 
bound to pursue the thieves immediately with hue and cry ; and numer- 
ous entries occur where such townships are placed at the mercy of the 
crown for neglect of this their duty. Thus : " Certain unknown male- 


factors broke into the house of Agnes, the wife of William Pulayn, and 
bound the said Agnes, and Evota her daughter, and thereupon carried 
away all their goods. Nor is any one suspected beyond the aforesaid 
malefactors. And the township of Haltwhistle, which did not arrest 
them, is in misericordia." 

Thomas Russell of Playnmellor, slew Robert the son of Auger of Col- 
lanwood (Coanwood), in the town of Haltwhistle ; and afterwards he 
fled to the church and abjured the kingdom. 

The canny Scots occasionally made a raid over the border, even to the 
detriment of their then countrymen of Tynedale. Alexander of Lothian, 
Arthur of Galwichia (Galloway), David of Clidesdale, and Hugh the Car- 
penter, broke into the house of William de Fenwike in Symundeburne 
and bound the said William, and carried off his cattle. There should 
have been honour among those of the same calling. 

Occasionally, the reivers used singular means to avoid pursuit. Thus, 
when certain unknown malefactors broke into the house of Robert Tin- 
thank in Melkridge, in South Tyne, they shut up Alicia his daughter in 
a chest, (in quddam archd incluserunt}. 

The clergy were not always free from the general failing of taking 
liberties with other men's property. 

Thus, Beatrix of Qwitfeld (Whitfield), summoned Thomas the Arch- 
deacon of Northumberland, Master Hugo of Wodehalle, John de Burton, 
and Thomas of Haydene, chaplain, for robbery and receipt of felony, &c. 
And the said Master Hugo and all the others appeared, excepting Thomas 
the Archdeacon ; but the testimony of the said Beatrix was not admitted, 
as it was proved by the bishop's letters-patent that she was excommuni- 
cate. The accused, moreover, pleaded that they were clerks, and would 
not therefore answer to the court. 

Again : Symon the clerk, and Richard Alpendache, clerk, broke 
open the house of John the Fuller. Richard Alpendache was taken and 
imprisoned at Wark ; but afterwards, at the assize, was delivered over 
to the bishop as a clerk. William, the clerk of Whitfield, flies the 
country for stealing of one cow and other evil deeds. 

There seems to have been some strange names in Tynedale in those 
days. May they have not been byenames bestowed on the parties ? 
Adam Aydrunken accidently upset a boat in the water of Tyne, so that 
he drowned thereby Beatrice his wife. 4 

At Newbrough, there seems to have been a family bearing the repul- 

4 The same name occurs in I Sur. 269, 273. One of the most amusing illustrations 
of names in the record is at p. Ivi., where the jury find that he who in a writ was 
styled Wysman, was rightly called Seliman, Ed, 


sive name of TJnkutheman (unco' man). Cecilia, the wife of John TJn- 
kutheman of Newbrough, destroyed herself, when pregnant, in her 
own chamber, with a certain razor. The holders of this unlucky name 
appear to have been unfortunate. William TJnkutheman and Elwald 
de Aldenestone were making a certain dam or fence (sepem) in the 
water of Tyne. And the said William was striking upon a certain 
stake with a certain mallet, to drive it into the ground, when the head 
of the mallet flew off, and striking Elwald on the head, deprived him of 
life. Poor William TJnkutheman was taken up and imprisoned for the 
homicide; but a verdict of accidental death was returned, "et concessa 
est ei pax," (and peace was conceded to him), says the record. 

Bates, the son of William (Williamson), Gilbert Trutte, son of Adam 
with the Nose (Adam cum Naso), who are fled for breaking into the 
house of Emma of Whitchester. 

Sometimes the coroner, who seems to have been of much greater 
authority in those days, made short work of a thief; as when a certain 
unknown malefactor stole four geese in the town of Newbrough, and 
was taken in the act ; and by order of Hugo de Ferewithescheles, the 
coroner, his ear was cut off. 

At Bellingham, and further up Tyne, they seem to have dispensed 
with the coroner on these occasions altogether. Thus, Emma of Wayn- 
hoppe (Wenhope near Kielder) was taken for theft at Bellingham, and 
there decapitated. And it was proved by twelve jurors that the town- 
ships of Bellingham, Euelingham, and decapitated her without 

the coroner. " Wherefore they are at the mercy of the crown." 

Again : The hamlets of Dunclif (Donkley ), Thorneyburn, and Tarset- 
hope, are amerced in 20s. for decapitating a thief without the coroner. 

All accidents, too, are presented by the coroner at the assize. Matilda 
of Sadberg (near Wark) was found frozen to death at Poltadan. William 
Slipertoppe (Silvertop), was cutting down a certain tree in the wood of 
Chirdene, and the tree fell and killed him. Agnes, the wife of John 
Cupe, was killed by a portion of the millstone in the mill at Wark, while 
getting some corn ground there. But as the mill was the property of 
our lord the king, no deodand was called for. 

Huchtred of Linacres had to pay half a mark for refusing to feed the 
king's dogs. 

Roger Graunge and William Bene are presented for having fished in 
the lake of Hugh of Grendon (Grindon Lough), by the order of William 
the Terrier (Terrarius), of Hexham, and against the will of the said Hugh. 
And the Prior of Hexham is ordered to produce his said canon. 

Alexander, the miller of Wark, Richard and Gilbert, the millers of 


Euelingham, John, son of John de Mthesdale and Kobert Homel, hare 
fished at the forhidden times and against assize. 

False appraisement of cattle and goods of felons are constantly noted, 
and the parties heavily fined. 

It is presented by twelve jurors that Alan of Irwin (Irvine ?) hath so 
beaten Gerard of Hesilyside that he was thought to have killed him, and 
he immediately fled. But the said Gerard still lives ; so Alan may re- 
turn if he will, but his cattle are confiscated for his flight, and are valued 
at 4s., for which the bailifi will answer. 

Such are a few extracts from this remarkable document, culled on a 
hasty examination, but enough, we hope, to show that herein exists a 
collection of great local interest, and highly illustrative of the manners 
and customs of the period. 




[Temp. Eliz., ante 1574.] A. NOT OF TEE PEESENTMENTES FOR THE 
CONSTABLES OF GAITSHEAD. For profaining the sabothe, Mistresse Ane 
Ridell [formerly Lawson, wife of Mr. "William Ridell]. For bruing 
without lycence : Jane Readshawe, Isabell "Watson, Mongo Simpson. 
For barratters or disordered persons : Lionell Swinborne. For roges and 
vacabonds, whiped : Georg Roockbye and Ellenor Ree. For the mal- 
sters and baggers : Thomas Arrowsmythe and Annas Bowes, Rychard 
Bell, John Harrison, and Willm. Cacheside. Forestailling the markett : 
Willm. Renneck, Allic Collson, Willm. Hudson, Gregori Doyte, Raph 
Parkyne, and Raph Bankes, Robert Smyth. For bloudes and frayes : 
Barthram Spence, a bloud and fray ; Lionell Swinborne, three bloudes 
upon the constables. 

PAEISH OF GAITSHEAD. 1. We knowe no recusantes who are confined in 
our parish. 2. "We have onelie one gentlewoman, Mris. Ryddle [for- 
merly Conyers], the wyfe of Mr. Thomas Ryddle, Esquire, who refuseth 
to come to church and to communicate with us ; but we must neades 
testifie this, that hir husband, together with his children and servantes, 
doo dewlie, and verie orderlie and religiouslie, resort everie Sabaoth 
day to the church, ther to heare the word of God read and preached. 3. 
We have no recusantes who refuse to have ther children baptized accord- 
inge to the statute. 4. 5. We have no recusantes who have reformed 
them selves, or who keep anie popish scolmasters, popish servantes, or 
anie scolmasters not lycensed in ther houses to our knowledge. p' ME 

JOHANNE' HTTTTOIT, rectore' de Gaitsheade. THOMS WILIIAM 

[This document confirms the assertion of Sir Wm. Fleetwood about the 
state of religion at Gateshead. See vol. ii. 224.] 



I. RENTAL of the Demesnes of the Monastery of Hexham 28th Henry 


II. RECEIPT for Tithes and Chantry-lands to Sir Robert Brandling, 

Knight, 3rd Edward VI. 

THE Chantry of Ford does not occur in the return of the commissioners 
three years earlier (of whom Sir Robert Brandling was one), and al- 
though the Chantry of St. John Baptist in the parish church of Bywell 
St. Peter is noticed, there is no information as to its endowment, which 
appears from this document to have consisted of the lands of Merry- 
shields, in the township of Bromley. J. H. H. 

HEXHAM NTJPER MouAsiEBnrM IN COM. NOKTHTJ. A Rental of the de- 
manez of the said late Monasterye made upon the Survey ther 
takyn the xiiij th day of July, in the xxviij* 11 year of the reign of our 
Soverane Lord Kyng Henry theght. 

First, the scite of the sayd late Monastery, with all maner \ 
of edificez, one Doffecote, one Graunge, j Ortceyard and j > iiijs. 
Garthyng, contenyng in all ij acrez, and is worth by yere ) 

Item, the Hospital! of Saint Giles, adjoinying the sayd \ 

Monasterye, that is to say, j mes' with acloose contenyng ij r , 

acrez pasture, and in the felds of Hexam in diverse places i X11 J*' 
acrez land arrable, and is worth by yere 

The profetts of diverse lands belonging the Archebishop 
of Yorke, late in the hands of the sayd Monasterye, that is 
to say, diverse lands arrable in the felds of Hexam, j cloose 
callyd Cote feld, j close callyd Cowfeld, j close callyd 
Dotland Park, which in all rents unto the sayd Arche- 
bishop xxiij//. by yere, and is worth yerely of increase 

Summa ij/t. xvijs. iiij<Z. 

Per me Jacobum Rokeby, Audit'. 



Acquiet' Robert! Brandlyng Militis. 

xx die Febr. Anno iij cio regni Regis Edwardi vj u . 

Received to the Kyng's use of Sir Robert Brandlyne, Knight, the 
some of thresckore thre pounds sixe shillings eight pence, due for the 
Chappell of Shotley, parcel of the parsonage of By well, in the countie of 
Northumberland, and one cottage with one crofte, parcel of the late 
Chauntrie of Forde, with certen tithe lands callyd Maryshels, parcel of 
the Chauntrie of Saint John Baptist, in the parish of Bywell. 

Per nos Antonium Butler ) servient' Joh'is 
& . . . . j Williams Mil 8 . 



Country Meeting, 27 July, 1858. 

A party of the members of the Society breakfasted at the Colling- 
wood Arms, Cornhill, on July 27, the North-Eastern Railway Company 
having obligingly furnished them with a saloon carriage and return 
tickets at very liberal rates. Flodden Field was their destination. 

At Crookham, between Cornhill and Ford, Mr. White called atten- 
tion to an upright stone, seven or eight feet high, standing in a field of 
wheat on the left side of the road, commonly called "The King's Stone," 
and as to which there are various stories, some saying that here the fight 
of Flodden ended, and others that it was erected by Surrey in commem- 
oration of the victory. Mr. White held in his hand "A Contemporary 
Account of the Earl of Hertford's Second Expedition to Scotland," A.D. 
1545, edited by Mr. David Laing, who had found the original in Trinity 
College Library, Dublin; and in that narrative it was stated: "The 
Erie of Harford departhit from Nywcastell the 5 day of Settember; and 
all his armey had a day a pointit to mytte att the Stannyngston vpon 
Crocke a More the 8 day of these present, and all the caryadge and or- 
denannce and monyssion: and so the dyd. The said Erie rod from Nyw- 
castell to Anwicke a Satterday, and their he rest Son day ; and a Monday 
to Cheidyngham; and a Ty wsseday to the forsaid Ston on Crackamowre." 
The stonfc, therefore, was standing on the moor two-and-thirty years 
after the battle. 

Mr. White expressed his belief that the boulder stone (which sinks 
six or seven feet below the surface) was only a memorial of the battle 
in so far as it was associated with its history, and that it had occupied 
its position long before Flodden Field acquired its great renown. Had 
the stone been purposely erected in memory of the battle, it would have 
been placed on the ground that was occupied by the armies, and where 
the fortunes of the day were decided. 

The Rev. Robert Jones, Vicar of Branxton, pointed out a bog at the 
foot of Branxton Hill, where Palinsburn takes its rise. Here, he said, 
a cannon ball was once found, weighing 13lbs. In a field to the south, 
also, was picked up a gold coin (French) of the date 1530 which, it has 
been surmised, may have been dropped by some curious visitor from 
Ffance, making a pilgrimage to the site of the battle. 


In the village of Branxton, the vicar showed his guests the house in 
which Percival Stockdale, son of one of his predecessors, was born a 
thatched cottage. At the door of another cottage stood one of the patri- 
archs of the hamlet old George Straughan, hale in body and sound in 
mind, with eighty winters' snows on his head. His wife's grandmother, 
he said, was a lassie named Telford in 1745, living in Haddon, seven 
miles away, when the Pretender passed through that village ; and she 
used to tell how the children were alarmed at the sight of the soldiers. 
She herself, dressed in " a bit blue frockie, fell down on the road as she 
was running away, and was pulled up by a Scot, who cried out, laugh- 
ing, ""Weel duin, blue breeks!" and asked "what she was frightened 

In the churchyard, Mr. Jones showed the spot where a pit was dis- 
covered, several years ago, in which men and horses had been hastily 
buried together, as their mouldering bones betokened ; also, where some 
busy mole had disclosed to the day a number of silver coins of older date 
than the battle. The church is modern, but occupies the site of an an- 
cient edifice, and incorporates a pointed chancel arch of transitional date. 

At the door of the vicarage stood Mr. Andrew Eankin, one of the 
churchwardens, aged 70, who had come to meet the antiquaries, and 
give them information as to a discovery he had made, about the year 
1818, of a trench containing human bones. He was making drains for 
Mr. Henry Collingwood, of Lilburn Tower and Cornhill, the owner of 
Branxton Hill, and came upon this trench which he intersected from 
east to west. It was as wide as the turnpike road where they were all 
standing,' and full of bones. He was not (as had before been stated in 
print) working for Sir Carnaby Haggerston at the time, but for Mr. 
Collingwood. The battle-field, he added, was all an open moor in his 
youth. The hedgerows by which it is now crossed in all directions, he 
had himself assisted to plant. 

On the vicarage table was the manuscript copy of the " Exact History 
of the Battle of Floddon," from which, contained "in the library of John 
Askew, Esq., of Palinsburn," the Vicar of Norham, Mr. Lambe, had his 
edition printed in 1773 : and which, moreover, had been read by Sir 
Walter Scott, before Marmion was written. The author (supposed to 
have flourished about the time of Elizabeth), recounting the progress of 
the conflict, sings how 

The ordnance great anon out-brast, 

On either side, with thundering thumps ; 
And roaring guns with fire fast, 

Then levelled out great leader lumps. 


Such " lumps," iu lead and iron, are found all over the field ; and Mr. 
Jones had samples to show his visitors. He had also several old coins. 
Moreover, there were the remains of a sort of miniature sword, found on 
or near Yeavering Bell, but bearing the "mint mark" of England on 
the silver handle. Mrs. Jones kindly invited the party to cake and 
wine ; and then they turned into a field overlooking the church and vil- 
lage. On Branxton Field, with Crookham Moor beyond, Mr. Rankin 
pointed to the spot in the Horse Close, the fourth field west from the 
vicarage, where, at the foot of an eminence, the burial-trench was found. 
He was asked if he could point out the "Pipard Hill" of the old chron- 
icles, where King James was said to have been slain ; but he said he 
had never heard of such a hill not from the oldest residenters and his 
memory went back upwards of sixty years. The village, Mr. Jones 
stated, formerly extended further than at present, both east and west. 

Mr. "White's paper on the battle was now read, and will be printed in 
a revised form in the Archaeologia JEliana. 

Driving along towards Ford, the next halt was opposite the Scottish 
camp. Alighting, the excursionists entered a field, crossed the brook 
which ran blood on the day of the battle (a tradition which has its 
origin in a popular blunder as to the site of the carnage) and ascended 
the high ground on which King James encamped, and where the rock, 
commonly called his " chair," remained till tastelessly broken in pieces. 

Eichard Dunn, an intelligent gamekeeper in the service of the Marquis 
of Waterford, was on the hill, and volunteered his services as guide. 
He pointed out what he took to be entrenchments of the Scots, but 
which may possibly be of earlier date (for it is a country of ancient 
camps). Ford Castle was shown in the distance whence the King 
commanded a view of his camp ; and from another point there was a 
charming view of Milfield Plain, to which the Earl of Surrey, lying on 
"Wooler Haugh, challenged the invader to battle. The challenge was 
refused ; and then, by a course pointed out by the keeper, the English 
commander marched with his forces behind the hills crossed the Till 
by Twisel Bridge and moved between the King and Scotland : James, 
when he perceived the enemy's object, moving to Branxton heights, that 
Surrey might not seize the same vantage ground. 

Mr. White directed the gaze of the party to Homildon, about a mile 
west from Wooler, where the Earl of Douglas, laden with English plun- 
der, in 1402, was overtaken by the Earl of Northumberland, his son 
Hotspur, and the Earl of Dunbar. A battle ensued, which the English 
warriors won without sword or spear, the Northumbrian archers, alone, 
discomfiting the Scots. 


Before quitting the classic height, the antiquaries quaffed the waters 
of a well which may have slaked the thirst of James 1Y., and then pro- 
ceeded to the Delaval Arms, at Ford, where they dined. 

Captain Carpenter, of Ford Cottage, now exhibited, with other rarities, 
a portion of an ancient gold chain, each link consisting of three rings. 
It was found, he stated, near the king's encampment. Mr- Dixon Clark 
favoured the antiquaries, during the day, with an inspection of a pair of 
spurs, bronze gilt, with fleurs-de-lis, which had been dug up by the walls 
of Belford Castle. Sir. S. Meyrick, to whom they had been shown, pro- 
nounced them to be of the time of Hedgley Moor. 

Ford Castle and Church were next visited ; and then such of the pil- 
grims as preferred returning home at the close of the first day, took 
leave of those who remained behind, and drove back to Cornhill, where 
they found the children of the schools in gamesome glee it being the 
wedding-day of Sir John Majoribanks of Lees who had lent the anti- 
quaries a handsome " drag" for their Border drive. 

On the 28th, Ford Church was again inspected. Part of the rectory- 
house remains, with its thick walls and gloomy features. Ford Castle 
was nearly destroyed by James IV. on his last fatal incursion into the 
Borders ; but its corner towers seem by their strength to have resisted 
the attempts of the spoiler. Captain Carpenter kindly took the party 
over the most interesting portions of the interior. A bed-room, tra- 
ditionally called the " King's Chamber," and some drawings of the cas- 
tle in its former state, particularly attracted their attention. A visit to 
the tumuli near Ford Colliery Koughting Linn and the Camp and 
curiously-carved Stone near it closed the proceedings of the day. 

On Wednesday morning, the Parsonage House at Cornhill was visited. 
The Rev. S. A. Filer stated that his ancestor, Robert Arnot of Wood- 
milne, Fifeshire, carried the royal standard at Flodden, and fell at his 
sovereign's side. In 1780, a seal of solid silver was picked up on the 
field, graven with the arms of Arnot. Mr. Filer showed the excur- 
sionists an impression of it, and exhibited other objects of interest. 

Twisel Bridge is but a short drive from Cornhill. Hither they were 
conducted by John Laing, Esq., of Cornhill. The advanced portion of 
Surrey's army, and his artillery and baggage waggons, passed over it on 
their way to Flodden. The bridge consists of a circular arch of great 
span, and is strengthened underneath by five ribs. 1 

1 EDWARD SWINBURNE, ESQ., to MR. J. B. TAYLOR. Capheaton, 5 Sep. 1819. 
I have a pretty bird's-eye view of the Twyzel Dean, with the Till and Sir F. Blake's 
Castle (which by the way is a tasteless thing, but it is a large mass.) The objection 
to this view is the omission of the interesting bridge at Tillmouth, of which no part 
is seen from the spot, which is the bank opposite the mill. The incipient bridge of 


Kippie Hill also lies at a short distance from Cornhill, but in a dif- 
ferent direction. To this spot, also, Mr. Laing guided the party. The 
encampment is a very strong and peculiar one. Within the lines of en- 
trenchment, near one extremity of it, is an artificial hill of considerable 
elevation. There are no traces of masonry about Kippie Hill. Near to 
the hill is a marsh, which is supposed to have been used, when drained, 
for concealment or ambush. It has had a fosse all round it at least 15 
feet wide, and a cutting through the middle. These drains are now 
choked, and the place yields the best cranberries in the world. Among 
the names of the neighbouring farms, is the singular assemblage of Kil- 
ham, Downham, Pass-on, and Press-on. Several lines of terraces, 
resembling those in the vicinity ^of Eoman camps, and which are supposed 
to be connected with a peculiar system of cultivation still adopted in 
some parts of Italy, are seen on the outskirts of this camp. 

Passing over the fruitful plain of Milfield, and receiving the friendly 
attentions of George Grey, Esq., of Milfield Hill, the party arrived at 
Yeavering Bell, a conspicuous hill of the Cheviot range. It is im- 
possible, without the aid of diagrams, to describe the forms and cunning 
contrivances which characterize the camps upon this and very many of 
the neighbouring hills. The ramparts are usually adapted to the form 
of the ground, and are composed of large masses of loose stones. They 
constitute, even in their present fallen state, a very formidable barrier ; 
and unless the traveller treads upon them cautiously, he will quickly 
come to the ground. In some cases the entrance is defended by a 
traverse; in others, where there are several lines of rampart, the 
breastwork of the inner is made to cover the gateway of the one more 
remote. The travellers noticed, with great interest, in nearly all the 
camps, the remains of the habitations of their original occupants. These 
have been circular huts, partly sunk in the ground. Advantage is often 
taken of a rise in the ground, so as to ensconce the kraal in a partly 
sheltered nook. "With much satisfaction, the tourists met Mr. Mac- 
lauchlan at Wooler, and, by his permission, inspected his plans of the 
camps on Yeavering Bell and Homildon Heugh, executed by order of 
the Duke of Northumberland. 

After spending two hours upon the Bell, the party descended, and 

Sir F. B., just below the mill, is a feature. I toiled much, and made many attempts 
to get a view of the dean, with the bridge and castle, from nearer points on the east- 
ern bank ; but all is there so grown up, it was in vain. I made a drawing of the 
bridge near it, and tried to coax in the castle through the trees. The old bridge is 
handsome, but they do not combine well. The scenery there is fine. I got a sketch 
also of the castle below the bridge, in the next turn of tha river, but the bridge is lost : 
the castle is the only object and very lumpish. The river and banks are pretty. I 
must think more of this subject." 


visited the villages of Old and New Yeavering, and the church of Kirk- 
newton. This locality is intimately connected with the introduction of 
Christianity amongst the Saxons of Northumberland. Beda, writing of 
the labours of Paulinus, says : " So great was then the fervour of the 
faith, as is reported, and the desire of the washing of salvation among 
the nation of Northumbrians, that Paulinus, at a certain time, coming 
with the king and queen (Edwin and Ethelberga) to the royal country- 
seat, which is called Adgefrin (Teavering), stayed there with them 
thirty-six days, fully occupied in catechizing and baptizing; during 
which days, from morning till night, he did nothing else but instruct 
the people, resorting from all villages and places, in Christ's saving 
word ; and when instructed, he washed them with the water of absolu- 
tion in the river Glen, which is close by. This town, under the follow- 
ing kings, was abandoned, and another was built instead of it, at the 
place called Melmin (Milfield)." 2 

An examination of the battle-ground of Homildon followed. The 
antiquaries read upon the spot the chronicles of the fight, and endeavour- 
ed to fix its precise locality and realise its scenes. This being done, 
they sought the aid of the host of Wooler Cottage. 

Early next morning they were to be seen upon the heights of Hom- 
bildon Heugh, examining the ancient camp there. 

After breakfast, one section of them proceeded to view the very curious 
and elaborate camp called Kettle Camp, and the hill named from its 
peculiar conformation the Cup and Saucer Hill. On the latter summit 
some traces of ramparts were observed. 

The other section went to Doddington, where is an ancient peel tower, 
three stories in height. A rude inscription upon its battlements was 
The fort was considered to be older than this date. The battlements 
are not original. The gables, which formerly terminated in what are 
called " crow-steps," are now covered with a water table, and the en- 
trance tower bears marks of being an addition. Probably these and 
other alterations were made in the year indicated, by some of the Grey 

On the heights above Doddington are some very interesting camps of 
the primeval period ; and in their vicinity several of those curious car- 
vings on the native rock to which the attention of archaeologists has but 
lately been turned. They were not visited, as the Junior Secretary of 
the Society had seen and could describe them, and as the sons of the 
Rev. William Procter, the incumbent of the village, had kindly supplied 
drawings of the carvings. 

2 Giles' translation. 


Chillingham Castle and Park were the next objects of attraction. Lord 
Ossulston offered the hospitalities of his house for the evening, which 
were reluctantly declined. He kindly conducted the tourists over the 
castle ; and afforded every facility for observations. The church contains 
the fine tomb of Sir Ralph Grey, of Wark, Heton, and Chillingham, son 
of Sir Thomas Grey, who was beheaded in 1415, for conspiring against 
Henry V. The wild cattle of Chillingham park were of course an object 
of interest. The archaeologists were driven as far into its fastnesses as 
was practicable, in one of his lordship's carriages; and unsuccessfully 
pursued their search on foot. The animals had perhaps been scared be- 
fore; or perhaps, owing to the heat of the day, they had retired into the 
shade. A calf was however disturbed. Usually when a calf is roused 
it rushes at the intruder, and raises a cry which brings the whole herd 
down upon him. Fortunately on this occasion it quietly retired. 

The travellers were now constrained to take the shortest route to the 
railway, and to seek their homes. 3 

Monthly Meeting, 1 Sept. 
John Clayton, Esq., Y.P., in the Chair. 

COMMUNICATIONS. Some notices of the standards of Keith and Doug- 
las, lately inspected by Mr. White. That of Keith, Marischal of Scot- 
land, is said to have been borne at Flodden, and is preserved in the 
Advocates' Library at Edinburgh. It is of faded silk, fringed all round, 
with the motto VEEITAS VINCIT, and the three stags' heads wrought upon 
it in black. It is four feet four inches long, and one foot six inches 
broad where it was fastened to the staff, whence it tapers off in a swal- 
low-tailed form, there being an opening about ten inches up the stand- 
ard. The exposure of this interesting relic to the action of a western 
sun is to be regretted. 

The Douglas standard, preserved at Cavers, is of green silk, and con- 
tains some rude stitches of reparation put in by Sir Walter Scott. Only 
a facsimile of it, made under the direction of the poet, is unrolled to 
visitors, who apply in such numbers, in person and by letter, that the 
family do not intend to allow the standard to be seen by strangers hence- 
forth. Surely a facsimile might be exhibited at the Advocates' Library. 
The length is thirteen feet ; the breadth at the staff end three feet. 

3 Principally derived from an able report of the excursion in the Gateshead Observer, 
the editor not having been present. 



The opening of the swallow-tail extends three feet three inches upon 
the banner, and the points are about fifteen inches apart. The stand- 
ard contains the cross of St. Andrew, the hearts and stars of the 
Douglas bearing, and a lion passant, with the motto Jfamafe arrj)[eve] 
It is engraved in the Border Antiquities, and the Battle of Otterburne by 

Mr. White (who has kindly permitted the use of his cut), and was con- 
sidered by Scott to have been carried by a Douglas at the Battle of 
Otterburne ; but this standard of thirteen feet length has sometimes ab- 
surdly been put forward as a pennon from the lance of which it 
is said that Hotspur was then deprived. "What Sir Walter calls the 
Percy pennon is also figured by him, and is described by Mr. White 
as of a triangular shape, about nine by ten inches, like a lady's bag, 
with two openings from the bottom. The colour is brown ; there is a 
lion upon it, and it is thickly wrought over with small pearls. There 
is also a similar object which may be enclosed in it. Mr. White is of 
opinion that it never was a pennon. In the box which contains these 
precious relics at Cavers is the National Covenant of Scotland, signed 
by Montrose and the other chief men of that kingdom. MB. WHITE. 

A notice of a broken iron signet ring, set with an artificial stone, 
bearing a figure of Minerva, and closely resembling a design in Tapz's 
Gems, plate 26. It has recently been found at Borcovicus. A plain 
iron ring was the Roman wedding ring. Such rings are rarely met 
with in lloman stations, the iron having oxidized and decayed ; and this 
may account for the number of intaglios found without setting. DR. 

EXHIBITED. A photograph (by the Eev. J. T. Dunn, of Warkworth) 
of the fragment of an altar discovered within the last few years at Glos- 
ter Hill, at the south of Coquet, and submitted to the Editor by Captain 


Linskill of Morwick Hall. It was in a field without apparent connec- 
tion with buildings. The inscription is [CA]MPESTRI[BVS] COH. i. [per- 
haps ii.] An altar to these field deities, published by Gruter, commences 
in the same way. The Editor's reading has been approved by Dr. 
Bruce, who states that the Campestres are sometines termed de. Glos- 
ter Hill was called Gloucestre in the twelfth century, 4 and we have 
doubtless the same elements in it as occur in the name of the city of 
Gloucester. A little to the south-west is Chester Hill. This is the first 
occurrence of a Eoman inscription in that part of Northumberland. 

PRESENTED. A copy, in German, of the Rev. James Yates's paper oa 
the Danubian Wall. THE AUTHOR. 

Sketches of Kertsch, and a further account of Assyrian and Egyptian 
Antiquities in Turkey, by John Hogg, Esq. THE AUTHOR. 

Roman sepulchral inscriptions. THE REV. J. KENRICK. 

Five rubbings of brasses. DR. CHAKLTON. 

A photograph of the Black Gate. ME. WORDED. 

Proceedings of the Royal Society of Antiquaries, No. XLYII. THE 

Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, Vol. II., Part 

ELECTED. Mr. F. D. Robinson, of Whitby, as an Ordinary Member. 

RESOLVED. That a copy of the Northumbrian Muster Roll, temp, 
Hen. VIII., be presented to the Rev. R. Jones, of Branxton, in slight 
acknowledgment of his valuable attentions to the Society on their visit 
to Flodden Field. 

Monthly Meeting, 6 October. 
John Hodgson Hinde, Esq., V.P., in the Chair. 

COMMUNICATIONS. A letter from the historian of Srfuth Yorkshire to 
the Chairman on the subject of the Chillingham inscriptions. 

" Torrington Square, August 18, 1858. My dear Sir, I have been 
much interested by the singular inscriptions in the Hall of Chillingham, 

* The water which ran under Gloucestre to Coket was the southern boundary of a 
saltery granted by Roger fitz Richard, Lord of Warkworth, by advice of his wife 
Adeliza, and with the confirmation of his son Richard, to the monks of Newminster. 
As such it is mentioned in the charters of these persons. Mr. Woodman's copy of 
the Newminster Cartulary. 

VOL, in, z 


and the elucidations of them, classical and biographical, in the Archaeologia 
.^Eliana; and so I conceive must have been every other member of the 
Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 

" My friend Dr. Raine is so intimately acquainted with every thing re- 
lating to the Northern Counties, and is so cautious and admirable a 
critic, that I should not have dared even to hint at the possibility that 
these inscriptions are the composition of any person not named by him, 
had he pointed out any one person as the author as decidedly as he has 
disproved the claims of nearly every person named by others ; but as he 
does not affirm, but only states with some reserve the claims of even his 
most favoured candidate, he will, I am sure, allow me to consider the 
question as still an open one, and excuse me if I bring another candidate 
into the field, and suggest the probabilities that occur to me as giving to 
him a claim to the authorship, even should hereafter his better informa- 
tion, or the knowledge of some other member of the Society, show that 
this claim cannot be supported. 

" The person I mean is THOMAS DENNY, who is thus spoken of in a let- 
tor of Mr. John Cade, written from Gainford in 1789, and printed in 
Nichol's Literary Anecdotes, Vol. VIII., p. 321. Cade writes as if he 
knew him. He is speaking of Sedbergh, and he says, ' It is of note for 
its well endowed school, where the eccentric Denny and many dis- 
tinguished literary characters were educated.' 

" All the contemporaries of Denny must have been long dead, and pos- 
sibly even the memory of him may have faded away. At least I know 
not that he is any where mentioned in any printed writing, except in 
the passage just quoted; nor do I remember to have ever heard his name 
mentioned by any of my northern friends. Yet he was a remarkable 
man ; and whether his claim to be the author of the Chillingham inscrip- 
tions be admitted or no, the members of the Newcastle Society may not 
be sorry to place in their transactions a singular memorial of him, on 
which I rest the probability that he prepared the two inscriptions on 
which Lord Ravensworth has so eloquently commented. 

" This memorial is an Epitaph de seipso, written by him. I found it 
among a packet of papers similar in kind, collected by a gentleman who 
died in February, 1783. There is no date; but I presume the original, 
from which he transcribed it, might well be written twenty or thirty 
years before, which will carry back the era of poor Denny to about the 
time when the inscriptions were prepared. 

" The epitaph is as follows : 

" Quos e terra mutuo accepit cineres 

Hie reposuit THO. DENNY : 

Qui Gra3ca3 linguae peritissimus fuit, et mire memor; 
plures tametsi abhinc annos, pro 5 obtuso visu, 

a libris alienus. 
Multi, ut eum torquerent, difficiles sententias 

astute excogitabant, 

et in pensum prrescripserunt ut Grajce redderet ; 

quod insperato et extemplo absolvit. 

5 far., prsD. 


Homo fuit incerti lecti et laris : 
lacunari suo nusquam eborc vel renidente : 

Eheu miseriarum fallax leuimen ! 
Fcenile erat pro cubiculo, pro cubili strues, 

et ubique jacuit. 

'Ofjujpofiavta captus, veluti ipse Homerus 
vicatim oberravit, et Rhapsodias ostiatim recitavit, 

nummuli, victus, et vestitus ergo ; 

et grsecari subiude solitus (quis culpa vacat ?) 

Anacreontis lepidas cecinit 6 cantilenas, 

aut audaces Pindari ditbyrambos : 
Pannosa paupertate placidus, innocuus, 

curis solutus, et sequo animo beatus, 
supremum diem neque optavit neque metuit. 

Halton (viculus in agro Lancastriensi) 

hue usque 7 sine certamine hunc indigenam 

sibi vindicat. 

vvv ir\di>rjv epvgei 

" I submit tbe following translation : 

" The ashes which he had borrowed from the earth 

THOMAS DENNY has here restored. 
A man he was most skilful in the Greek tongue, and 

with a memory wonderfully stored with it : 
But for many years, owing to the failing of his sight, 

estranged from books. 
Many to perplex him were accustomed cleverly to devise 

difficult sentences, 

and prescribe it as a task to him to turn them into Greek, 

which he accomplished to their amazement and at once. 

He was a man uncertain of couch and home : 

His house-tree never shone with ivory or gold. 

Alas ! the deceitful solace of his miseries 

was to have a hay -loft for his bedchamber, straw for his couch, 
and to lay down wherever he could find a place. 

Homer-mad, like Homer himself 
he wandered from village to village, and recited his rhapsodies from door 

to door, 

for pence, for food and raiment : 

and becoming given to habitual groecisism, (who is free from fault ?) 
he sung the pretty songs of Anacreon 

or the bold dithyrambs of Pindar. 

In his patched poverty gentle, innocent, 

free from error and blest with even spirits, 

he neither longed for nor dreaded the day of death. 

Halton, a small village in Lancashire, 

8 Far., devolvit. 7 Far., hucusque. 


hitherto, without a rival, claims him 

as one born in her. 

Now the life-bearing earth 

ends his wandering. 

" The various allusions to the Greek and Latin writers will be at once 
perceived, and also that they are happily applied : but it seems to me 
that there is a resemblance in the use of the passage alluded to, to the 
game artifice which is so conspicuous in the Chillingham inscriptions 
and generally, that there is sufficient reason to think they were all 
coined in the same mint. 

" I would also submit whether we are not to assign to him, before he 
became blind, intemperate, and a beggar, the inscription on James Purdy. 

" The epitaph was written by him late in life ; the inscriptions, if his, 
when his mind had not lost any portion of its vigour, or his memory its- 
stores. 1 am, my dear Sir, very faithfully, JOSEPH HTTNTEE. Aug. 

24. If worthy, Mr. Hinde will perhaps have the goodness to bring this 
communication under the notice of the Society. I have been fearful 
lest it may turn out that the epitaph is already well known. J. H." 

[The Society is at all events much obliged to Mr. Hunter for recall- 
ing the memory of Denny from its thick veil. Since the epitaph was iu 
type, I have stumbled upon it in 49 Gent. Mag., 191. There it presents 
one or two slight variations, which I have introduced as notes to Mr. 
Hunter's copy, and the conclusion is as follows : 

vvv 7r\avtjv epvget 

r?? <f)vai%oo<3. Horn. Iliad, xxi. 

nunc erronem coercebit 

Alma terra. Horn. Iliad, xxi. v. 61, 62. 

"The grave will hold the wanderer." Pope. 

Gra. DAWSON, Armig. aula de Langcliffe, prope Settle, in agro Ebor- 
acensi . 

Sedbergh school was an object of the bounty of Sir Anthony Denny, 
and the Society may not be indisposed to print the notice of his unfor- 
tunate namesake which appears with Mr. Dawson's effusion. I give it 
below, first remarking that in page 286, another correspondent of the 
Magazine asks (in vain, as far as I see) for the years of the birth and 
death of " the justly celebrated Thomas Denny," and the occupation of 
his father ; and that in p. 405 is an English ' imitation,' or paraphrase, 
of the epitaph, dated Leeds, July 17, 1779, the year of the Magazine. 

" THOMAS DENNY was one of the celebrated Mr. Wharton's scholars at 
Sedbergh, where he laid a good foundation of learning and accuracy in 
the learned languages, being blessed with a retentive memory, and great 


mental powers. His first employ after leaving school, having no friends 
or connections to further his advancement in life, was the defatigating 
task of a schoolmaster at Dent; a vocation not at all suitable to his vol- 
atile genius, and eccentric conduct as a preceptor. During his residence 
there, he gave an early specimen of his classical knowledge, and poetic 
genius, in an Epithalamium, or bridal song, in Greek and Latin. In a 
few years he bid adieu to his laborious and fatiguing occupation, and com- 
menced literate itinerant. His manner was to travel annually through 
several parts of Lancashire, Yorkshire, and Westmoreland, and call on 
such gentlemen, clergy, and laity, as had a taste for classics ; also, at 
such grammar-schools as were within the circuit of his perambulations ; 
where, in general, he met with a welcome reception. To such scholars 
and young students as were desirous of making a speedy and thorough 
progress in their humanity studies, he was always a pleasing associate, 
being an excellent grammarian, and very knowing and singularly skilful 
in idioms and minutiae of the ancient languages. Among the Roman 
poets, Horace and Yirgil were his chief favourites, as Homer was of the 
Greek, whose stile he has well imitated in a translation of the first six 
books of Milton's Paradise Lost into Greek ; which, with a great number 
of detached pieces on various subjects, in that and Latin, were preserved 
by several gentlemen of his acquaintance. Betwixt him and the gen- 
tleman who drew up his sepulchral eulogy, there was the greatest in- 
timacy and friendship from their juvenile years to Denny's death, who 
paid the last debt to Nature at Mrs. Bennison's in Hornby, and was in- 
terred in the church-yard of Mellinge, Lancashire. JOSEPH LEACH. 
Mr. Walker's Academy, Leeds." 

And here I think it well to insert a description of the Chillingham 
tablet from 26 Gent. Mag., 74. 7 It occurs in " a description of the pre- 
sent state of Alnwick and the neighbouring places in Northumberland, 
which is, in the minutest particular, impartially true. The necessity of 
procuring such accounts from persons who really reside at or near the 
place they describe, appears by the gross errors which are published with 
much confidence and ostentation in some late monthly collections." 

"About twelve miles north-west of Alnwick stands Chillingham Castle, 
a seat of Ld. Taukerville. It is a large old building, of a quadrangular 
form, in good repair, and well furnished. Several writers have related, 
that in sawing a block of marble for the chimney piece of the great hall, 
a living toad was found in the body of the stone, which exactly filled 
the cavity where it lay, as a figure of metal fills a mold in which it is 
cast. I shall not take upon me to determine how much of this strange 
story is true, but content myself with giving an account of such circum- 
stances relating to it, as came within my own knowledge. The chimney- 
piece of the hall was not marble but free-stone, and in that part which 

7 The article led to the communication to the Magazine of several other stories of 
the discovery of toads in stones'. 


lay transversely from side to side, and formed the top of the chimney- 
piece, there was a hole of aii irregular figure, plainly correspouding with 
the parts of an animal ; its greatest length was about seven inches, and 
its greatest depth, which was in an oblique direction, about five. The 
inside was incrusted with a dark brown substance, of a close texture, 
that was perfectly smooth and even, as if it had been polished. In an- 
other chimney-piece at Harton Castle there was a like hollow, nearly of 
the same dimensions, which appeared to be the other half of the mould, 
but both are now destroyed. That part of the stone which was at Har- 
ton, has been broken and defaced, I know not how ; and the late Earl 
of Tankerville having a few years ago caused a window to be made where 
the fire-place was, this part of the chimney-piece was broken by the 
workmen, and built into the wall. There is, however, still remaining a 
large frame that used to hang over the mantle-piece, in which is the re- 
semblance of a coat of arms, a large .toad in the field, the crest a toad- 
stool, with a less toad upon it, the mantling is snakes interwoven, the 
carving on the frame itself is serpents and effets, and the following in- 
scription is written in letters of gold, in two ovals, one on the left side 
of the arms, and the other on the right." 

Here follow the inscriptions, side by side, and, below them in the 
centre, are the appropriate words " Est et a Jove bufo," which, if ex- 
isting, are not elsewhere mentioned. This anonymous communication 
is in the Magazine of 1756. In 1769, "Wallis mentions that "in one 
of the ground rooms is a remarkable chimney-piece, wherein a live toad 
was discovered in sawing the block in two : the nidus of the toad visible 
till plastered over by the order of the late Lord Tankerville. In the 
same room is a painting of it, from which the late Mr. Warburton took 
a drawing, and prefixed to it the following verses." Warburton died in 
1759, having, as Dr. Eaine remarks, been much in Northumberland 
from 1716. Hutchinson, who quotes Wallis as to the nidus, "in- 
quired after this curiosity, but the housekeeper knew nothing of it." 
The nidus is now reported as being open, but the accounts admit of re- 
conciliation. The age of the painting would probably be settled at once, 
after an inspection of careful drawings and rubbings from it.] 

Notes of Border Stories. DB, CHABLTON. 

It is rather remarkable that so few anecdotes have been preserved of 
the daring deeds of the Borderers, famous as these men have been in 
history for their lawless bravery and constant warfare with their 
neighbours. During the last 150 years, however, the Borderers have 
been, in spite of the contrary assertion by the veracious Lord Macaulay, 
profoundly peaceable ; and the last two or three generations appear to 
have forgotten and neglected the tales of daring enterprise and deadly 
feud and combat which were rife at an earlier period, and formed then, 
no doubt, the staple ' folk lore' of the districf. One of the last of the 


old Borderers, and who seemed to have retained much of the warlike, 
turbulent spirit of his ancestors, was a gigantic man of the name of 
Milburne, as famous for the strength of his lungs, as for his prowess in 
clearing a fair or emptying a keg of whisky. Muckle Jock Milburne, 
of JBellingham, has now been dead some years ; but in spite of whisky- 
drinking all his life, he was past his 80th year when gathered to his 
forefathers. Of these forefathers, the turbulent Milburnes of North 
Tyne, he had retained one or two characteristic anecdotes ; but though 
we give them nearly in the language he used, it is impossible to imitate 
the strong Border accent, the mixture of Northumbrian and Scotch, 
with a preponderance of the latter dialect, in which these stories were 
given by Muckle Jock Milburne: " My fore-elders, wi' twa ithers, 
gaed yence over the Borders to lift sheep on the Scottish side ; for the 
Scots thieves had harried sair in Tynedale. They gaed over by the 
Coquet heid, and lifted the sheep near Yetholm, and druv them down 
by Reedwater heid, when the Scots cam' after them,' three to three. 
My fore-elders made a stand upon the fell, and the Scots cam' bravely 
up. Ane of our side fell at the first foregatherin', and anither was 
wounded ; but ane of the Scots fell, too. My fore-elder was then sare 
beset with the twa Scots, till he gat a straik at ane of them wi' his 
swaird, and garred his heid spang alang the heather like an inion ! And 
then the third Scot tuik aff over the hill, and my fore-elder carried the 
sheep into Tynedale." Another anecdote of the Milburnes is perhaps 
worth preserving, and it was obtained from the same source : One of 
the Milburnes, a celebrated fighter, quarrelled in Bellingham with 
another Borderer ; and, of course, the difference was to be decided with 
the broadsword, or with the whinger and dagger then commonly borne. 
As the parties stripped to their shirts in the street, Milburne suddenly 
turned to his wife, who was a spectator of the combat, and cried out, 
" Wife ! bring me out a clean sark : it s'all niver be said that the 
bluid of the Milburnes ran down upon foul linen !" 

[Mr. Fenwick said, he knew Jock Milburne well. He was one of 
his bailiffs of the barony of "Wark. Mr. William Brandling, one of the 
receivers of Greenwich Hospital when that charity held the barony, 
occasionally took Jock with him when he went a-shooting on Hareshaw 
Common ; and the Rev. Ralph Brandling, of Gosforth, being one day of 
the party, fancied that Jock was a little too free, taking greater liberties 
than became him. He therefore roundly rebuked him, using sundry 
uncanonical oaths, till Jock broke in upon the commination service, ex- 
claiming: "Hech, man! they mun ha'e been very short o' timmer, 
when they m'yed thee a pillar o' the Church !" Mr. White contributed 
another story of Jock, namely, that having been sent 'into Lincolnshire 
with 2,000. to buy sheep, he said on his return that all the time he sat on 
the coach as he went, he kept thinking that nobody there had so much 
money in his pocket as himself. Mr. Fenwick stated, that Jock was often 
present at the barony dinner, and took his wine, but he had never seen 


him the worse of drink. Dr. Charlton replied that he should think not ; 
it would be very difficult to make Jock drunk.] 

Two letters from Mr. Clayton to Dr. Bruce, descriptive of Eoman re- 
mains in France and Italy. 

Avignon, September 13, 1858. My dear Sir, My head quarters are 
still in this pleasant city, from whence I have seen Nismes, the Pont du 
Gard, and Orange. To-day I shall proceed to Aries. 

You will find much matter of interest whenever you visit this district. 
In the buildings of Avignon itself (the Roman Avenio); the traces of the 
Romans are nearly obliterated. Seeing that in the middle ages it was a 
city containing a population of 80,000 souls (now reduced to 30,000), it 
is not to be wondered at that all the Roman materials were worked up 
for the accommodation of so vast a population, confined by fortifications 
to a narrow space. The few bits of Roman masonry which remain may be 
seen in an hour ; but in the Museum days may be spent with advantage. 

The small number of altars to be found in this vast collection of objects 
of interest, strikes me as a singular feature. There are little more than 
half a dozen altars, and these (with one exception) of the rudest charac- 
ter. There is a very rude altar to Jupiter Depulsor ; two or three to 
Mars ; one to " Sylvanus Aug. "; one inscribed, in very rude letters, 
"DBA . VICTORIA CONS. . . .TVTA"; two inscribed "NYMPHIS." All these 
appear to be of the Lower Empire. 

The exception is a beautiful altar to Mercury in marble. Round it is 
a delicately carved border of flowers ; and on each side a fig-tree in full 
leaf in bold relief. The inscription : "MERCVRIO. SEXTVS . SILVIVS . 
SYLVESTER . icciANVs." This altar has found its way to the Museum 
within the last few weeks, having been found in 1851 at Yaison (the 
Roman Vasio of Gallia Narbonnensis) from which town much of the 
wealth of the Museum of Avignon has been drawn. 

There is likewise an altar of a somewhat superior class which was 
found at the little town of Caderousse inscribed " NTTM . AVG . PRO . 
SALVTE . IMP . M . AVB, . coMMODi." And this is the only altar from 
which any date can be collected. 

The sepulchral stones are numerous, and many of them richly orna- 
mented with sculpture. Many of the inscriptions indicate that the 
monuments to which they apply were erected by the hceredes ex testa- 
mento, which may account for the apparent lavish expenditure in 
ornament, the testator having set apart the funds for the purpose. 

One which was found at Rousillon near Vaucluse, last year, contains 
a superfluous letter, which puzzles the Concierge. The inscription is 


svvs HOCCIDIT." The French do not know what to make of the super- 
fluous H with which the last word commences. I fancy they have not, 
like us, portions of their population who prefix an aspirate to syllables 
beginning with a vowel. 

A stone of a sepulchral character, found at Vaison, bears this very 
curious inscription: "D . SALVSTIO . ACCEPIO . OPIFICES LAPIDAH . OB 



And two stones found at Vaison, placed in the ground at a distance 
of three metres from each other, are each of them thus inscribed : " ABEA . 

LATA . P. X . LONG . P . X." 

In the space between these two stones were excavated tombs contain- 
ing urns filled with calcined bones and glass lachrymatories. It would 
seem that the Romans were careful in mapping out the ground appro- 
priated to their sepulture. 

On a massive column is inscribed : " IMP . CMS . T . MLIO . HADRIANO . 


The remains of sculpture and architecture which are collected in the 
Museum are, for the most part, of a high order. There are very good 
antique marble busts of the Emperors Tiberius, Domitian, and Verus. 
It is, however, in its minor Roman antiquities that this Museum is pre- 
eminent. The number and elegance of the vessels of glass, and of the 
urns, lamps, and vessels of earthenware, leave the eye little to desire. 
It would seem that the French disinter objects of antiquity with much 
more care than we exercise in England. There is scarcely a vessel of 
any sort which is fractured in the slightest degree. The articles of 
bronze are numerous and satisfactory ; and also the ornaments of the 
person. I observed several iron signet rings, and some of gold. None 
of the latter can vie in elegance with the gold ring found at Borcovicus. 

You will be surprised to hear that of this splendid Museum there is 
no catalogue. The government, it is said, are about to publish a cata- 
logue of all the Roman antiquities found in Gaul. In the meantime, 
we must grope our way without that aid. 

The Conservateur of the Museum, Mons. Deloye, and the Concierge, 
Mons. Binon, have been most courteous. They have given me access to 
Greuter and Orellius, and a pile of French authors on antiquities. The 
Concierge (whose social position resembles that of our own Warder) un- 
derstands Latin and speaks it freely ; and from morn till eve cheerfully 
attends upon the people visiting the Museum, which is accessible to the 
public without any payment. 

How creditable it is to a small town like this (having less than 30,000 
inhabitants) to maintain such an establishment. 

It seems that this Museum of Avignon was founded in the year 1810, 
by a patriotic citizen, M. Calvet, who, during the disorders of the French 
Revolution and the dispersion of the literary treasures of the French 
monasteries, had made a vast collection of books and objects of antiquity, 
all of which he left to the city. The municipality of Avignon has 
since proved itself worthy of the liberality of the founder, by the care 
which it has taken of the gift, and the industry which has been exer- 
cised in adding to the collection everything that has been since found, 
either at Avignon or any of the neighbouring towns, which could be 
purchased. At the same time it has been open to receive, and has 
received many donations. 

I must now take you to Orange (the Roman Arausio). The pencil of 
the artist (Fairholt, pp. 102, 104, of Part II. Vol. V. of Mr. Roach 
Smith's Collectanea Antiqua) has already put us in possession of the 
two objects of interest here, the triumphal arch and the theatre. The 
architectural beauty of the triumphal arch is very considerable. The 

VOL. III. 2 A 


Guide Book suggests that as the name " Mario" is on one of the sculp- 
tured shields, the arch was raised to commemorate Marius' victory over 
the Cimbri. Unfortunately for this hypothesis, I make out eight or ten 
names on the shields, as well as that of Marius. The French savants 
ascribe to this work the date of the reign of Tiberius, aud make up their 
minds that the sculpture represents the victories of his legate, Julius 
Florus, over the Belgians, and of his legate, Julius Sacrovir, over the 
Gauls. They found their conclusion on the arms and accoutrements of 
those with whom the Romans are combating a very uncertain test. 

The theatre possesses much of grandeur of proportion, but must be 
seen before the amphitheatre of Nismes. No vestige of an inscription 
has been found, save, on one of the three lower stone seats, the letters 
" EQ. c. in," which the Concierge conceives mark the rank of the persons 
to whom these seats were appropriated. 

There is no collection of antiquities here. All that is moveable has 
gone to Avignon. 

The remains of the magnificent buildings of Nismes (the Nemausus of 
the Romans) and of the Port du Gard are made known to the world by 
the engravers. The inscriptions and other objects of a moveable charac- 
ter are collected in the Maison Carree. Here, as at Avignon, I observed 
the paucity of altars. One struck me as novel ; and I afterwards found a 
similar altar at Avignon. 

At Nismes, "PKOXVMIS . svis . COBNELIA . CVPITA." 

At Avignon, " PBOXSVMIS . POTITA . c . CODONIS F . V.S.L.M." 

The French antiquaries assume these inscriptions to have reference to 
the Penates, who are described as Deis Proximis. Both of the inscrip- 
tions are evidently of the Lower Empire. 

In and around the Maison Carree you will find a fine collection of se- 
pulchral stones and of architectural fragments of great beauty. There 
is also an altar to Jupiter of Heliopolis and of Nemausus. 

There are also some inscriptions in and about the ruins of the temple 
of Diana, chiefly of a sepulchral character. The Roman baths, and the 
magnificent spring of water with which they are supplied with the ma- 
terial for bathing, is not the least interesting of the antiquities of Nismes. 

I shall conclude this letter at Aries to-morrow. 

Marseilles, September 15, 1858. After spending part of two days at 
Aries, (the Roman Arelas) I am established here till I set sail for Leghorn. 

Aries is an old town, in which no change has taken place for centuries. 
It stands, like Hexham, without addition since the middle ages. Roman 
works pervade the town ; and, I doubt not, an excavation would lay 
bare a Roman city under the earth. The remains of the ampitheatre 
and of the theatre are most magnificent ; and many reliques of architec- 
tural grandeur are to be found in the Museum. 

The Roman inscriptions which are collected in that building are alto- 
gether funereal ; and you will notice the transition from the Heathen to 
the Christian style. These sepulchral inscriptions are very numerous ; 
but there is not a single altar, I acquired for ten francs a genuine 
Roman iron signet ring, recently found. 

In proceeding from Aries to Marseilles, Murray's Hand-book notices 


that at or near St. Chamas is a Roman bridge, with a triumphal arch at 
each end of it, which is called in the country the " Pont Flavien," there 
being an inscription on the frieze to justify the name. Had I noticed 
this in time, I should have stopped at St. Chamas to look at it ; but it 
is seen very well from the railway. An inhabitant of the country (who 
was in the carriage) pointed it out to me, and I had a most satisfactory 
view, both of the bridge, and the triumphal arches by which it is ap- 
proached. The bridge is of a single arch, and spans a ravine. The 
whole has been admirably preserved. 

A. great deal more time might be advantageously spent in this country. 
Vienne, Vaison, and St. Remy are all towns which ought to be visited ; 
but I am afraid of curtailing too much the time I can spare for Italy. 

The French steam-boat which leaves this place to-morrow morning, 
will (if the sea continue smooth enough for so bad a sailor as I am) 
receive me, and land me at Leghorn on Thursday morning. Ever yours 
sincerely. JOHN CLAYTON. 

Venice, September 27, 1858. My dear Sir. I gave you a rough 
sketch of what I saw of Romain remains in the South of France ; and I 
will now endeavour to give you a like sketch of those of Northern Italy. 

I found in the Uffizi palace at Florence, a considerable collection of 
Roman inscriptions, almost altogether sepulchral. In these inscriptions 
it is interesting to trace the transition from the Pagan to the Christian 
style. The most interesting objects, however, are marble busts of many 
of the Roman Emperors, which have been dug up in various parts of 
Italy. The resemblance of the busts to the heads of the Emperors on 
their coins is very striking. At Florence there are no remains of the 
Romans in situ ; but at the neighbouring town of Fiesole there are in 
situ some portions of a Roman theatre or amphitheatre ; and a further 
excavation would probably disclose much more. They show here as 
Etruscan (on account of the Cyclopean character of the masonry) the re- 
mains of a wall of circumvallation. You and I have seen Roman 
masonry quite as solid and substantial in its character j and I suspect 
that the whole may be Roman. 

At Milan (the Mediolanum of the Romans), there is nothing Roman 
left in situ, but the remains of sixteen Corinthian columns, portions of a 
temple or some other building near the church of Saint Lorenzo, and a 
single column near the ancient church of Saint Ambrogio. When the 
flagging of this church was taken up, a few years ago, a great many 
Roman sepulchral inscriptions were found, which have been built into 
the wall round the courtyard in front of the church. Many of these 
are of the Lower Empire, and some are in very corrupt Latin. That so 
important a city of the Romans as Mediolanum should retain so few 
monuments of its ancient grandeur and importance, is singular. I fancy 
it may be ascribed to the calamities of war. 

At Brescia (the Brixia of the Romans), I found a most interesting col- 
lection of inscribed stones. It seems that, so far back as the year 1480, 
the citizens of Brescia made an ordinance for the preservation of all ob- 
jects of antiquity that might be dug up. The consequence has been the 
gathering together of a vast number of objects of antiquity in a building 


which has been erected to receive them, styled the " Museo Patrio." 
There are many altars ; but, as regards altars, this collection, as well as 
every other, is inferior to that of our own Society. I found, here, that, 
as elsewhere, there is no catalogue. The Gustos (an intelligent Brescian) 
regretted the want of it. He said, " He could not make a catalogue, 
and no one else would." In this collection there are several altars to 
Mithras, inscribed "Deo soli," or "Deo soli invicto;" one of them 
simply "DEO . SOLI . BES . PVB ." There are several altars to Juno, and 
one inscribed " JVKOKIBVS "; another, " MATRON ABVS "; another, " MA- 


To Jupiter, to Hercules, to Minerva, and to Mercury, there are several 
altars ; one of Apollo and Diana; another inscribed " NEPTVNO . AVG . L . 
SVLPICIVS . CLAVDIVS. EX. vox." ; another inscribed " GENIO . COLONS . 
CIVTCJE . AVG . BRIXIA: ." There is a vast collection of sepulchral in- 
scriptions, which it would take a week to go through thoroughly. Here, 
as in the collection of sepulchral inscriptions at Florence, the transition 
from the Pagan to the Christian style is very striking. In this Museum 
are collected many beautiful remains of architecture and sculpture. The 
most remarkable is an exquisite statue, in bronze, of Victory the last 
and best of the objects which have been dug up at Brescia. The left 
foot is raised, for the purpose of resting upon some object, which has 
been separated from the statue. The Brescians have supplied the 
vacuum with a helmet, on which the foot now rests. If they had seen 
the figure of Victory in our collection, they would have placed a globe 
under the foot of Roman Victory, instead of a helmet. The figure of 
this statue is beautiful ; the drapery most graceful ; and the workman 
ship is of the most finished character. 

The Brescians have nothing of Roman remains in situ, except the 
fragments of six Corinthian columns, which form the portico, and of 
some columns of a main building, which, from its architectural remains, 
must have been of a very handsome character. The capitals and cor- 
nices have been beautifully sculptured. Behind these columns the 
Brescians have erected their Museum, in which you would be glad to 
spend many days. When I looked upon Brixia, with its vines festooned 
from tree to tree, glittering in Italian sunshine, I could not help think- 
ing of the winter quarters of Vindolana, to which was doomed the 
Eoman officer " ex Italia domo Brixia," whose name and country are 
recorded on the altar at Chesterholm. 

The beautiful town of Verona, the birth-place of Catullus, " Mantua 
Virgilio gaudet Verona Catullo," still retains without change its Roman 
name to which the Italians subjoin the epithet " la degna." The re- 
mains of the amphitheatre are most striking. The exterior has not 
been so well preserved as that of Nismes, but the interior is as the 
Romans left it which is to be ascribed partly to the imperishable 
character of the material (Verona marble), and partly to the continued 
use of the building for theatrical purposes. One of the gateways of the 
Roman line of fortification has been preserved. It is, like the gateway 
at Treves, and like the gateways of the stations on the Roman Wall, a 
double gateway. On the outside, this gateway is of a very ornate char- 
acter, the frieze or cornice being supported by two Corinthian columns 


placed between the two openings of the gateway. From the inscription 
on the frieze, the date of the reign of Gallienus is obtained. The ma- 
sonry of the gateway is regular and excellent ; but the wall in which it 
stands (of which there are yet some remains) has, like the walls of 
Rutupiae (Bichborough), been composed of round flint stones imbedded 
in mortar, with intervening courses of brick. 

There is another Roman arch in another part of the town, of smaller 
dimensions than those of the gateway, and less ornamented ; it does not 
appear to be in the line of the fortification. 

On the left bank of the river Adige (which runs through the town) 
are some slight traces of a Roman theatre. 

The " Museum Lapidarium " contains a large collection of Roman 
sculpture and inscriptions the latter chiefly sepulchral. There are in 
it many milestones, and some altars. I observed one bearing an inscrip- 
tion which I do not remember to have met with: "DEO . MAGNO . 


There are more than one altar inscribed " Deo invicto Mithrae " and 
" Silvano." 

On a large slab, apparently taken from the front of a temple, is thf 
following inscription, which I copy as somewhat novel: "FORTVNJG . 


I would gladly have given more time to this Museum, had I been 

On a promontory of the Lago di Garda are the remains of the villa of 
Catullus, which I had not time to visit. 

The line of railway from Milan to Verona affords the most beautiful 
views that can be conceived. 

In going through the continental collections of antiquities, I have felt 
very much the want of catalogues; but when I consider that we have 
not yet a catalogue of our own Roman antiquities, and probably, with- 
out your intervention, would never have had one, I must not blame 
much our Continental fellow-labourers. 

Having reached this City of the Sea, I shall turn my face homeward, 
and, taking the route of Mount Cenis, reach England as soon as practic- 
able without night travelling. 

I remain always most truly yoTirs. JOHN CLAYTON. 

EXHIBITED. A gold coin of France, found near the Tyne at New- 
castle. Obv. The royal arms (three fleurs-de-lis) crowned, between two 
fleurs-de-lis as badges, also crowned. MH. a crown. KAUOLUS 808 
GRACIA 8 FRANCORVM 8 REX. Rev. A cross with four crowns in the 
angles. MM. a crown. XPC 8 VINCTT 8 XPC 8 REGNAT 8 XPC 8 IMPERAT. 

A photograph, forwarded by Mr. F. K. Robinson, of "Whitby, from an 
oak carving, seen by the Editor some years ago, (above the mantle-piece 
of an old " post and pan " house at Thorpfield, on the borders of the 


manor of Topcliffe, near Thirsk,) and now the property of Mr. Ruddock, 
of Whitby. The subject, which had been slightly cut to fit it to the 
farm house, is the coat armorial of the ill-fated Thomas Percy, Earl of 
Northumberland, who perished at York for his participation in the 
Rising of the North, and it no doubt graced one of the rooms at Top- 
cliffe Castle. THE EDITOE. 

The arms of the nobility, with their crests and supporters, in Queen 
Elizabeth's time ; a MS. formerly the property of John Holland, and 
contemporary with the noblemen whose bearings occur in it. The oc- 
currence of Lord Burghley's insignia fixes those of the Earl of North- 
umberland to Henry Percy, the brother and successor of the above 
Thomas. The bearings of the two earls will be considered with those 
of other members of the family in a separate article. THE EDITOR. 

PRESENTED. The Archasological Journal, No. LVIIL, containing an 
interesting article on the visits of Henry III. to the Northern Counties. 

Auction Catalogue of part of the library of Mr. John Bell. ME. 

Report and communications to the Cambridge Antiquarian Society, 

A shilling of James II. found at Newcastle. ME. THOMAS M'CEEE. 

A "churn (pronounced kurn) babbie" of straw, dressed doll- wise, 
recently used in the harvest-home ceremonies at Lysdon farm. DE. 
BEUCE. [Mr. White stated that in the Lowlands the clothing of the 
figure is omitted, and the form wholly made out by skilful manipula- 
tion and sewing of the straw. It was also mentioned that the same 
usage prevails in some parts of Northumberland.] 

PURCHASED. An ancient rifle with wheel-lock, in good preservation, 
and of curious construction. Also an old sword. 




[Public Record Office, Miscellaneous Roll, 468. *] 

Liberata fuit Curia per infrascriptum Capitalem Baronem xv. die 
Decembris anno regni Regis Henrici VI tl . xxix. 

Quaedam examinacio pro Johanne "Warde et aliis mercatoribus indigenis, 
de quadam navi vocata Petre de Novo Castro, ac de diversis lanis 
et pellibus lanutis in eadem navi in portu Novi Castri super Tynain 
carcatis, nuper super mare per infortunium submersis et deperditis; 
ac de quadam navi vocata Madknyght de Dans, ac de diversis lanis 
et pellibus lanutis in eadem navi in portu predicto carcatis, nuper 
per inimicos domini Regis de Depe captis et deperditis ; coram 
Petro Ardern, Capital! Barone de Scaccario domini Regis, modo 
quo sequitur capta patet inferius. 

(daStrum. Memorandum quod vicesimo die Novembris, anno 
regni Regis Henrici Sexti post conquestum Anglian vicesimo nono, apud 
Westmonasterium coram Petro Ardern, capitali Barone Scaccarii domini 
Regis, venerunt Johannes Warde, Johannes Penreth, et Johannes Rich- 
ardson, Junior, mercatores indigene, in propriis personis suis, et exibue- 
runt eidem Capitali Baroni quandam cedulam sive supplicacionem, cujus 
tenor sequitur in hoec verba. ss. " To oure right Worshipful! Mayster 
the Chief Baron of the Eschequer of the Kynge oure Sovereign Lorde. ss. 
Besechen meklie, jointlie, and severallie, William Boyde, John Birde, 
Hugh Hall, William Haldmarket, Thomas Hudson, Robert Forster, 
John Richardson, Alan Birde, John Glanton, John Penreth, Nicholas 
Haynynge, Thomas Werk, Alane Milne, John Warde, William Rodum, 
Thomas Pykeden, Thomas Cuthbert, Thomas Hedlam, William Horsle, 
William Lawes yonger, John Chambre, John Cuthbert, Thomas Dol- 
phamby, William Rose, Robert Baxster, Richard Stephenson, Thomas 
Bee, Alane Carre, Thomas Durham. John Richardson yonger, Thomas 
Smyth, and John Acorn, merchaunts denizeins, the Kynges liege men 
borne, that where as the said William Boyde, John Birde, Hugh Hall, 
William Haldmarket, Thomas Hudson, Robert Porster, John Richard- 
son, Alan Birde, John Glanton, John Penreth, Nicholas Haynynge, 
Thomas Work, Alan Milne, John Warde, William Rodum, Thomas 
Pykeden, Thomas Cuthbert, and Ihornas Hedelam, the viij day of 
March, the xxiiij 8 yere of oure Sovereign Lorde the Kynge that nowe is, 
shipped severallie in the porte of the Newe Castell upon Tyne in a shippe 

1 Communicated by Mr. Hinde. 


of Robert "Whithed, called the Petre of the Newe Castell, that is to say, 
the seid William Boyde, j quarter of wolle in a poke ; the same "William, 
cc wollefell', John Bird, dimidium sakke, ij nailes of wolle in a poke ; 
the same John, ccc wolefeil' conteignynge j sak j quarter ; Hugh Hall, 
j sakke, viij nailes of wolle in a poke ; the same Hugh, cxxxv wollefell'; 
Thomas Hudson, ccclx wollefell' ; Robert Forster, cxx wollefell' ; John 
Richardson, j sakke, viij nailes; the same John, ciiij" wollefell' ; Alan 
Bird, iij sakkes, iiij nailes ; the same Alan, cxx wollefell' ; John Glan- 
ton, j sakke, ij nailes of wolle ; John Penreth, j sakke, viij nailes ; 
Nicholas Haynynge, ij sakke, j quarter, viij nailles ; the same Nicholas, 
iiij" wollefell'; Thomas Werk, j sakke, j quarter, xij naile ; Alane Milne, 
ij sakke dimidium, iij nayle; the same Alane, iiij" wollefell'; John 
Warde, j sakke, j quarter of wolle ; "William Rodum, j sakke, ij naile ; 
Thomas Pykeden, iij quarters of wolle ; Thomas Cuthbert, j sakke, ij 
naile ; the same Thomas, Ix wollefell' ; and Thomas Hedlam, iij quarter, 
iiij naile of wolle ; for the which wolle and wollefell' so shipped, thay, 
the seid merchaunts severallie, after the rate of the same wolle and 
wollefell', hav paied and agreed oure seid Sovereign Lorde the Kynge, 
be the handes of Rouland Tempest and Simond "Weltden than beynge 
custumers of the custume and subsidie in the seid porte, all his subsidie, 
as in a buke of parcells of the accompte of the same custumers of recorde 
in the Eschequere aboveseid remaynynge, and in a cedule of the same 
parcelles out of the same buke writen to this supplicacion annexed, it 
may parcellie more pleinlie appere : And where also as the seid William 
Horsle, John Penreth, William Lawes yonger, John Chambre, John 
Cuthbert, Thomas Dolphamby, William Rose, Robert Baxster, John 
Birde, Nicholas Haynynge, William Boyde, Richard Stevenson, Thomas 
Bee, Alane Birde, Alane Carre, Alane Milne, Thomas Durham, John 
Richardson yonger, Thomas Smyth, William Haldmarket, and John 
Acum, the xxi tha day of A prill, the xxvij the yere of oure seid Sovereign 
Lorde, shipped severallie in the porte aforseid in a shippe called Mari- 
knyght of Dans, wherof at that tyme oon Clays Mulner was Maistre, that 
is to say, the seid William Horsle, j sake, viij naile wolle ; the same 
William, cxx wollefell'; John Penreth, iij sake, j quarter ; the same 
John, cxx a wollefell'; William Lawes yonger, ccx wollefell'; the same 
William, j sake, iiij naile ; John Chambre, j sake, viij naile ; the same 
John, dc wollefell ; John Cuthbert, iij sake, viij naile ; the same John, 
cl wollefell'; Thomas Dolphamby, iij quarter, viij naile ; the same 
Thomas, cxx wollefell'; William Rose, iiij sake ; the same William, 
cxx wollefell'; Robert Baxster, ij sake, vj naile ; John Birde, j sake, 
iij quarter ; Nicholas Haynyng, j sake, j quarter, viij naile ; the same 
Nicholas, cxx u wollefell'; William Boyde, ij sake, viij naile ; the same 
William ciiij" wollefell' ; Richard Stevenson, j sake, j quarter ; Thomas 
Bee, j sake; Alane Byrde, j sake, j quarter; Alane Carre, cccciiij" 
wollefell'; Alane Milne, dxl tt wollefell'; Thomas Durham, Ix wollefell'; 
John Richardson yonger, ccxl* 1 wollefell'; Thomas Smyth, ccxl u wolle- 
fell'; William Haldmarket, cxx" wollefell'; and John Acorn, cl a wolle- 
fell'; for the which wolle and wollefell' so shipped thay the seid mer- 
chauntz severallie after the rate of the same wolle and wollefell' hav 
paied and agreed oure seid Sovereign Lorde the Kinge, by the handes of 


Rouland Tempest and John Trollop than beynge cu stumers of the cus- 
tume and subsidie in the porte aforseid, all Ms subsidie, as in a buke of 
parcells of the accompte of the same custumers of recorde in the Es- 
chequer aboveseid remaynynge, and in a cedule of the same parcells ont 
of the same buke writen to this supplicacion annexed it may parcellie 
more pleinlie appere : Neverthelesse after the goynge oute of the forseid 
shippe of Robert Whithede, called the Petre of the Newe Castell, with 
the forseid wolle and wollefelT, that is to say, upon Palmesonday, than 
next following, the viij" day of Marche aforseid, in the high see, in here 
passage towarde Brigges, upon the costes of Flaundres, by horrible tem- 
pestes and grete stormes of the see the seid shippe was drowned, 
perished, and loste, with oute covyne or fraude, with oute ony re- 
coverere of the same merchaundises, or ony parcelle therof, as it is 
opinlie knowen : And also after the goynge oute of the forseid shippe 
called Mariknyght of Dans, with the wolle and wollefell aboveseid, that 
is to say, the Thuresday next afore the Peste of Pentecoste next folow- 
yng the xxj day of April! aboveseid, in the high see, in her passage 
towarde Middilburgh in Selande, upon the costes of Selande, by the 
Kynges enmys of Depe was taken and loste, without covyn or fraude, 
withoute ony recoverer of the seid merchaundises, or ony parcell therof, 
to the grete hurte of youre seid besechers, and as the seid besechers er 
redie to make thaire prove therof accordynge to an Acte of a Statute 
of the graunte of the subsidie of wolle and wollefell', in the parlement 
begoun and holden at Westminster the xxv e day of Feverer, the yere 
of oure seid Sovereign Lorde the Kynge, xxiij th : And afterwarde, that 
is to say, ix" day of Aprill, the yere of oure seid Sovereign Lorde the 
Kynge xxiiij a finisshed, in this case made and purvoied, wherof the 
tenour of the same Acte is enrolled in the Eschequere aboveseid of re- 
corde, that is to say, emonges the recordes of the Terme of Pasch, the 
xxiiij yere of oure Sovereign Lorde aboveseid, in the ix e Eolle in the 
office of the Kynges Remembrauncer, more pleinlie it is conteigned, and 
wherof a transcript to this supplicacion is annexed : Wherfore pleas it 
to youre gode maistership and wise discrecion, the premissez considered, 
to receive the seid besechers to make their prove of the drownynge, per- 
ishynge, and takynge with enmys of the shippes wolle and wollefell' 
aboveseid, after the force, fourme, and effecte of the same Acte of the seid 
statute : And forthermore, after the same prove so taken and hadde, for 
to delyvere the examinacion afore you in this behalve taken in to the 
Chauncerie of oure seid Sovereign Lorde the Kynge, there for to be doo 
unto the same besechers for thaire remedie in the premisses after the 
effecte of the same Acte, as feith and conscience woll and require at the 
reverence of God in way of charite." Et tenor Actus Statuti de quo 
superius in supplicacione predicta fit mencio Thesaurario et Baronibus 
de dicto Scaccario una cum brevi Regis de mittimus sub Magno Sigillo 
suo missi et irrotulati in memorandis predictis Scaccarii predicti prout in 
dicta supplicacione fit mencio sequitur in haec verba. ss. " To the wor- 
ship of God, we youre poure Communes by youre high commaundment 
commyn to this your present parlement, for the Shires, Citees, and 
Burghs, of this your noble Roialme, by the assent of all the Lordes 
spirituelx and temporelx, by your auctorite roiale, in this your parlement 

VOL. III. 2 B 


assembled, graunt by this present endenture to you oure Sovereign 
Lorde for the defence of this your seid roialme, and in especiall for the 
safe kepynge of the see, certeine subsidies to be paied in the manere and 
fourme that folowith : That is to say, of every sakke of wolle, and of 
every ccxl wollefell', of every merchaunt alien goynge out of this youre 
seid roialme, fro the fest of Seint Martyn in wyntre that shall be in the 
yere of oure Lorde m'ccccxlv*', by iiij yere than next folowynge, liijs. 
iiijd. ; and of every sakke of wolle, and of every ccxl 11 wollefell' of every 
merchaunt denisyn goynge oute of your seid roialme be the same tyme, 
xxxiijs. iiijd. Thies subsidies to be paied and leved in manere and 
fourme as they be leved and paied at this day. Excepte alway and for- 
seyn, that it be lefull to the Maire and Citeseyns of the citee of Lincoln, 
her heires and successours for the tyme beynge, to shippe or doo shipp 
at your portes of Kyngeston upon Hull and Boston, and to carie to 
your staple of Caleys, every yere of the seid iiij yeres, to thaire use and 
profite, and to the use of the seid citee, lx" sakkes of wolle without ony 
subsidie of the seid xxxiijs. iiijd. of or for the seid lx tt sakkes to you 
youre heires or successours in ony wise to be paied, in relefe conforta- 
cion and supportacion of the grete and un portable charges the which the 
seid Maire and Citesins yerlie in paiement of thaire fee ferme of the 
seid citee beren and susteign : And that the seid Maire and Citesins of 
the seid citee, of the subsidie for the seid lx u sakkes of wolle, every yere 
of the seid iiij yeres to be shipped, ayenst you oure Sovereign Lorde, 
your heires and successours, be quyte and discharged for evermore ; 
And that every merchaunt denisine that hadde eny wolle or wollefell' 
in a shippe of John Woderofe, or in a shippe called Cristofre of the 
Newe Castell, of which shippe was Mayster Alebrande Derikson, or in a 
shippe called John Martyn, or in ony other shippe taken with enmys 
upon the see, or perisshed be infortune, or in any shippe that shall hap- 
pen to be taken or perisshed herafter, wherof the subsidie to you dewe, 
or to be dewe, is or shall be duelie paied or agreed, or suerte therof 
founden withoute fraude or eollusion, and suche loste or lostes as is afore 
reherced be founde or proved before the Treasorer of Englonde, or the 
Chief Baroun of the Eschequere for the tyme beynge, by the examinacion 
of the same merchaunts if they bene of lyve, or thaire executours, if thay 
ben dede, or two trewe credible persones sworne wittenessyng the same, 
or other reasonable wittenesse, and proves sworne wittenessyng the same 
merchaundises so to be loste or perisshed, that than the seid merchaunts 
denisins that were or shall be owners of the seid wolle or wollefell' so 
perisshed, taken, or loste, if thay bene off lyff, or theire executours if 
thay bene dede, and every of them, be force and vertue of this seid 
auctorite, shall mo we shippe, when theym liketh, asmuch wolle and 
wollefell' in the same porte or portes in which the same wolle and 
wollefell' was shipped, as was so perisshed, loste, or taken, without 
ony subsidie of wolle and wollefell' or ony other subsidie no we or afore 
this graunted or herafter to you or youre heires, to be hadde or paied 
therfore to you or to youre heires in any wise : And that all suche 
prove of the seid merchaundises so loste or perisshed be certified in 
youre Chauncerie of recorde by youre seid Treasorer, or Chefe Baron of 
the Eschequere ; and that, after such certificate made, the Chaunceller of 


Englonde for the tyme beyng do make and delyver to the seid mer- 
chauntz or attournes of theym als many writtc-s or waraunts, to be 
directid als wele to the custumers in the seid porte or portes as to 
to the Treasorer and Barons of your Eschequer for the tyme beynge, 
such and as many as to the seid merchauntz thaire executours or at- 
tourneys of theym, and of every of theym, shall be necessarie or be- 
hovefull in that partie." 

Et tenor cedulae de libro de particulis compoti predictorum Roulandi 
Tempest et Simonis Weltden nuper Collectorum extractae, unde in dicta 
supplicacione fit mencio, sequitur in haec verba. ss. " Novum Castrum. ss. 
In particulis compoti Roulandi Tempest et Simonis Weltden Collectorum 
Custumae et Subsidii Regis in portu Novi Castri super Tynam, videlicet 
a festo Sancti Michaelis anno xziiij to Regis nunc, usque festum Sancti 
Michaelis tune proximo sequens. ss. Navis vocata Petre de Novo 
Castro, unde Robertus Whitehed est Magister exit octavo die Marcij. 
Wills. Boyde, pro j quarterio lanae in j poke; Idem, pro cc pellis lanutis 
et continentibus iij quarteria, xx pelles; Johes. Byrde, pro dimidio 
sacci, ij clavis lanae in j poke ; Idem, pro ccc pellis lanutis et continenti- 
bus j saccum, j quarterium ; Hugo Hall, pro j sacco, viij clavis lanae in 
j poke ; Idem, pro cxxxv pellis lanutis et continentibus diraidium sacci, 
xv pelles ; Wills. Haldmarket, pro clx pellis lanutis et continentibus 
dimid. sacci, dimid. quarterii, x pelles ; Thomas Hudson, pro ccclx pellis 
lanutis et continentibus j saccum et dimidium ; Robertus Forster, pro cxx 
pellis lanutis et continentibus dimidium sacci; Johannes Richardson, 
pro j sacco, viij clavis lanae in j poke ; Idem, pro ciiij" pellis lanutis 
et continentibus iij quarteria; Alanus Birde, pro iij saccis, iiij clavis 
lanae in ij pokes ; Idem, pro cxx pellis lanutis et continentibus dimi- 
dium sacci ; Johannes Glanton, pro j sacco, ij clavis lanutis in j poke ; 
Idem, pro ciiij" pellis lanutis et continentibus iij quarteria ; Johannes 
Penreth, pro j sacco, viij clavis Ian in j poke ; Nichus. Haynyng, pro 
ij saccis, j quarterio, viij clavis Iana3 in ij pokes ; Idem, pro iiij" pellis 
lanutis et continentibus j quarterium, xx pelles ; Thomas Wark, pro j 
sacco, j quarterio, xij clavis lanee in ij pokes ; Alanus Milne, pro ij 
saccis dimidio, iij clavis lanae in ij pokes; Idem, pro iiij" pellis 
lanutis et continentibus j quarterium, xx pelles , Johannes Warde, pro 
j sacco, j quarterio lanae in j poke ; Willielmus Rodum, pro j sacco, ij 
clavis lanae in j poke ; Thomas Pykeden, pro iij quarterns lanae in j 
poke; Thomas Cuthbert, pro j sacco, ij clavis lanae in j poke; Idem, 
pro Ix pellis lanutis et continentibus j quarterium ; Thomas Hedelam, 
pro iij quarterns, iiij clavis lanae in j poke." ss. Et tenor cedulae de 
libro de particulis compoti predictorum Roulandi Tempest et Johannis 
Trollop nuper Collectorum extractae unde in dicta supplicacione fit 
mencio, sequitur in haec verba. ss. "Novum Castrum. ss. In Rotulis 
de particulis compoti Roulandi Tempest et Johannis Trollop nuper Col- 
lectorum Custumae et Subsidii Regis in portu villas Novi Castri super 
Tynam, videlicet a festo Sancti Michaelis Archangeli, anno xxvij Regis 
Henrici Sexti, usque xxij diem Decembris, anno xxviij Regis predicti. 
ss. Navis vocata Mariknyght de Dans, unde Clays Mulner est magister, 
exit vicesimo primo die Aprilis. Willielmus Horsle, pro j sacco, viij 


clavis lanse ; Idem, pro cxx pellis lanutis continentibus dimidium sacci ; 
Johannes Penreth, pro iij saccis, j quarterio lanae in iij pokes ; Idem, 
pro cxx pellis lanutis continentibus dimidium sacci ; Willielmus Lawes 
Junior, pro ccx pellis lanutis et continentibus iij quarteria dimidium 
quartern; Idem, pro j sacco, iiij clavis lanae in j poke; Johannes Cham- 
bre, pro j sacco, viij clavis lanae in j poke ; Idem, pro dc pellis lanutis 
et continentibus ij saccos dimidium ; Johannes Cuthbert, pro iij saccis, 
viij clavis lanse in iij pokes ; Idem, pro cl pellis lanutis et continentibus 
dimidium sacci et dimidium quarterii; Thomas Dolphamby, pro iij 
quarteriis, viij clavis lanse in j poke ; Idem, pro cxx pellis lanutis et 
continentibus dimidium sacci ; Wills. Rose, pro iiij saccis lanae in v 
pokes ; Idem, pro cxx pellis lanutis et continentibus dimidium sacci ; 
Robertus Baxster, pro ij saccis, vj clavis lanse in ij pokes ; Johannes 
Byrdo, pro j sacco, iij quarteriis lanse in ij pokes ; Nicholaus Haynyng, 
pro j sacco, j quarterio, viij clavis lanae in ij pokes ; Idem, pro cxx pellis 
lanutis et continentibus dimidiura sacci ; Willielmus Boyde, pro ij saccis, 
viij clavis lanae in ij pokes ; Idem, pro ciiij" pellis lanutis et continenti- 
bus iij quarteria ; Ricardus Stevenson, pro j sacco, j quarterio lanae in 
ij pokes ; Thomas Bee, pro j saeco lanae in j poke ; Alanus Byrd, pro 
j sacco, j quarterio lanae in j poke ; Alanus Carre, pro cccciiij" pellis 
lanutis et continentibus ij saccos ; Alanus Milne, pro dxl pellis lanutis 
et continentibus ij saccos, j quarterium ; Thomas Durham, pro Ix pellis 
lanutis et continentibus j quarterium; Johannes Richardson Junior, 
pro ccxl pellis lanutis et continentibus j saccum ; Thomas Smyth, pro 
ccxl pellis lanutis et continentibus j saccum ; Willielmus Haldmarket, 
pro cxx pellis lanutis et continentem dimidium sacci ; Johannes Acorn, 
pro cl pellis lanutis et continentibus dimidium sacci, dimidium 

Et super hoc tarn predicti Johannes Warde, Johannes Penreth, 
et Johannes Richardson Junior, quam Willielmus Bertrame, armi- 
ger, vir fidedignus, in propriis personis suis, per prefatum Capitalem 
Baronem ad veritatem de et super omnibus et singulis in dicta supplica- 
cione specificatis, testificandis, et approbandis, separatim examinati et 
corporaliter jurati, dicunt super sacramentum suum quod predicta navis 
vocata Petre de Novo Castro, ac predictae lanae et pelles lanutae in eadem 
navi carcatse, in dicta supplicacione superius recitatae, per horribilem 
tempestatem et infortunium submersae periclitatae et deperditae fuerunt, 
die, loco, et anno in dicta supplicacione specificatis ; Ac quod dicta navis 
vocata Mariknyght de Dans, ac predicta? lanae et pelles lanutae in eadem 
navi ut premittitur earcatse, in dicta supplicacione superius recitatae, per 
inimicos dicti domini Regis nunc de Depe captae et deperditae fuerunt, 
die loco et anno in predicta supplicacione specificatis, prout in dicta 
supplicacione superius declaratur : petentes proinde iidem Johannes 
Warde, Johannes Penreth, et Johannes Richardson Junior, tarn sibi, 
quam omnibus et singulis mercatoribus in predicta supplicacione su- 
perius nominatis, fieri in premissis juxta formam et effectum dicti Acti 
Statuti predicti ac supplicacionis predictae, prout justicia exigit et re- 
quirit in hac parte. 



THE chapelry of "Widdrington is supposed by Mr. Hodgson to have been 
included in the appendages of the vill of Warkworth, as given in 738 
by Ceolwulf to Lindisfarne Monastery. The name "Wdringtuna" 
first occurs in the middle of the twelfth century. John de Widdrington ia 
stated to have been a witness to documents of 30 Hen. I., 11 39-40 ,* 
and Bertram de "Wdringtuna had a confirmation of the vill of Wdring- 
ton which his father had previously held from "Walter fitz- William, the 
baron of Whalton. 2 In 1267 or 1268, Robert fitz-Roger, Lord of Wark- 
worth, gave to John de Wodrington for his homage and service a moiety 
of the vill of Linton, and afterwards conferred on him the whole manor 
of that place. In the feudal relation here springing up we have un- 
questionably the source of the arms born by the grateful Widdringtons. 
The lords of Warkworth wore the coat, Quarterly Or and Gules, a bend 
Sable. The Widdringtons did not difference the shield further than by 
changing the gold to silver. Two medieval seals of the family are given 
by Mr. Surtees, plate xi., fig. 17, 18. One has the arms surrounded by 
dragons in the vacancies of the circle, SIGILL' EOGEEI DE WIDEEINGTON. 
The other, also of one Roger de Woderington, presents the shield slinging 
under a helmet surmounted by a bull's head, from which flows a mantle 
already spotted with plates. Latterly the crest has been blazoned as a 
bull's head, couped, Sable platee, horned Argent : but in drawings as late 
as the sixteenth century 3 the mantle flows direct from and looks like 
part of the bull's head, both objects being covered with the plates. The 

1 Vincent in Harl. MS. 5808, per 2 Hod. ii. 230. 
* The charter is printed in 2 Hod. ii. 248, 
Visit, 1575. 


name of Bertram in the Widdringtons will no doubt recall the hulls' 
heads of the Bertrams, Bulmers, and Nevils who descended from Ber- 
tram de Bulmer, but no illustrative connection between the families has 
struck me. 4 

In the early part of the fourteenth century the Widdringtons were 
enriched by a coheiress of Swinburne, and in the next generation by 
one of Acton. Before 1480 the family wealth was again increased by 
the marriage of Sir Ralph "Widdrington with Felicia, the youngest 
daughter and coheiress of Sir Robert Claxton of Horden, Claxton, and 
Dilston, and in her right her descendants enjoyed Haswell and Pespool 
in the palatinate. To a prudent race, fond of indulging feudal pomp 
within their means, a wealthy heiress is a joy for ever, and she of Clax- 
ton, with such a name as Felicia, was doubly so. The age which fol- 
lowed her delighted in wiredrawn and double meanings. Yet put the 
matter as favorably as I may, my courage half fails me in suggesting 
the bare possibility that the motto of the Widdringtons alluded to 
Felicia and her acres. It was Joy sans fin. That it was of a date 
reaching up to her time is proved by an interesting ring which was 
found by an old woman near Washington, and by her taken to Robert 
Davis Esq., of Wrekenton House, who obligingly submitted it to tho 
notice of this Society. Its exterior engraving is shewn below, and it 
will be observed that the ring is of small, almost lady's size. It is a 

plain circle of gold, inscribed Joye sanzfyn. The same motto is found on 
the standard of the family in the Visitation of 1 575. The badge occurs in 
Heraldric Dictionaries as another crest, and is described as " a two headed 

4 At the present day, heraldry is too often a mockery. The Heralds' College is 
powerless ; and families, instead of adopting new arms, which would he innocent, are 
suffered to usurp the inheritance of their betters of the same name. But in old time, 
heraldry was a living proof of descent in blood or lands, and only lacks a rational 
treatment to present something more than a dry list of isolated coats. I take it to be 
one of the most interesting means of ascertaining the rationale and details of tenures 
of the honours and baronies into which our land was split up, and of which we 
still in everyday life feel the influence. We may consider it pretty certain, from 
what we know of the arrangements at Richmond Castle and other places, that when 
a barony or manor changed hands, the family succeeding generally waved the banner 
of their predecessors in preference to the other arms they were entitled to ; but it may 
be difficult to find what particular line of owners originated this favourite local bear- 
ing. The main step to ascertain them will be to gather the arms of the tenants into 
groups according to their superior lords. The prevailing bearing of each group will 
doubtless establish the coat of that tenancy in capite, and, in doing so, show the origin 
of many other families which had removed to other fees. Such an investigation can- 
not, I think, be termed trifling or unimportant to society, and certainly it is not 


wivern Argent, winged Or." The tail is headed as is that of the Clifford 
wyvern in a collection of standards temp. Hen. VIII., Harl. MS. 4632. 

After these slight observations on the armorial insignia of the Wid- 
dringtons, I pass to their monuments, and the very singular altar ar- 
rangements in Widdrington chapel. And first let me sum the matters 
of record touching them. 

In 1281, John de Woderington, knt, and Margaret his wife, had 
licence from Pope Martin IV. to have a portable altar in places suitable 
for the purpose. In 1307, John, lord of "Widrington, gave to Sir Henry 
de Thornton, chaplain, all that land with the edifices, &c., which Sir 
Roger de Hartwayton, chaplain, formerly had by the gift of Sir John de 
Wydrington his grandfather, and two marks of annual rent in the mill 
of Lynton. For this donation Sir Henry was to celebrate divine offices 
at the altar of St. Edmund, in the church of Wydrington, or elsewhere 
within the parish, if there be necessity, for the souls of all the ancestors 
of the donor. Mr. Hodgson's supposition that St. Edmund's altar was 
the portable altar of 1281 can hardly be supported. Gerard de Wode- 
ryngton had licence in 1341 to give seven marks of rent issuing from 
the vills of Est Chyvunton, Wodryngton, and Dririg, to a certain chap- 
lain to celebrate in the chapel of Wodryngton, and forty shillings of rent 
issuing from those vills in aid of the same chaplain's sustenance. In 
1370, Roger de Wodryngton had permission to secure ten marks per 
annum out of Dryrigge and Wydrington for a chaplain officiating here. 
After the dissolution Robert Hedley occurs under " Wltherington 
chapel" as the incumbent of the Holy Trinity chapel, receiving a yearly 
pension of 41. 11*. 

So far the documents given by Mr. Hodgson. An important addition 
is found in the Surveys of 2 Edw. VI., printed by the Surtees Society 
in the Barnes Proceedings. 

Woodrington. Two chantries of the Trinity, founded in the chapel 
of Wodrington, appending to the parish church of Woodhorne. Edward 
Thompson, of 54 years of age, and Thomas Hedely, of the age of 36 
years, incumbents there, meanly learned, of honest conversation and 
qualities, having no other living than the same. The said chantry is 
distant from the parish church four miles. And there is no lands 
or tenements sold sith the 24 Nov., 38 Hen. VIII. And there is of 
houseling people [. e. communicants] within the same parish 1020. 
Yearly value of the some chantries with 66s. 8d. given towards the 
finding of the incumbent's meat and drink, yearly, by Sir John Wyd- 
rington, knight, as he ledgeth, is 10Z. 4s. ; reprises 20s. ; clear Ql. 4s. 
Plate six ounces. Goods unpraised. 

Ornaments and goods. The chantry of the Trinity in Wederington. 


One vest of red satin, one vest of white fustian, one old cope of red say, 
and one old mass book. 

In 1723, Archdeacon Sharp found "an old surplice, a quarto bible, 
and a prayer book, old pulpit, font, and communion table, scarce any of 
them fit for use, and two old pews. But the roof is tumbling down, and 
all the chapel in other respects is in a lamentable condition." Arch- 
deacon Sharp's son found matters still worse in 1764, and proposed that 
Sir George Warren, the lord, should rebuild the chapel, and he would 
try to raise an endowment. Sir George accordingly repaired the fabric 
in 1766, and in 1768 the vicar of Woodhorn formally relinquished the 
claim to presentation and the ecclesiastical profits within the chapelry. 5 
In 1826, Dr. Singleton found a porch in the chapel, which is repaired 
by Mr. Askew [who purchased the township of Linton and part of El- 
lington after Lord "Widdrington's attainder] in bad condition. He went 
into the Widdrington vault, and saw the dust of a male and female, and 
a child, in decayed coflins, and was told they were Lord and Lady 
Widdrington. 6 

The church of Widdrington is a modest building, without a tower, 
and sunk below an accumulation of graves. There are a nave and south 
aisle divided by octagonal piers, a chancel, and a chantry chapel on its 
south side, opening by arches to the chancel and south aisle of the nave. 
A modern vestry is attached to the east end of the chantry, and blocks 
a window of the chancel. In the north wall of the nave are blocked 
arches, simply chamfered, and resting on cylindrical pillars with square 
capitals. They are perhaps Early English, and the coping at the east 
end of the chantry ends with a stone bearing the dog-tooth ornament. 
The windows in the blocked arches and elsewhere are square Decorated. 
It is difficult to discriminate between early and late transpositions and 
repairs in a building having such a history as this, yet the working of 
Early English tombstones in the north wall seems ancient. Above the 
north door of the chancel is one with a cross and sword : another forms 
the sill of a window, and in the head of four tref oiled lights in the 
blocked arches is a pair of shears. I understood that this window was 
partly made up of the south-east window of the chancel when the ves- 
try was made. The south doorway of the nave is good Decorated, and 
there is a porch. 

The chantry porch in the south aisle exhibits tokens of a screen be- 
tween it and the choir, and this feature seems to have been remaining 
in Hodgson's time. There is a piscina under the easternmost window 

5 The registers commence in 1698. 6 2 Hod. ii. 

a. Arrangements in the touth wall of the 'chancel, b. Slab (15 In. long) under the western sepulchral niche 

e. Moulding of south doorway, d Moulding of the western sepulchral niche, e. The like of the eastern 

one. f. Head of the eastern niche, g. Widdrington insignia from the Visitation f 

Northumberland. The mouldings are not to scale. 


of the south wall, and the person who showed us the church believed 
there was formerly another under the next window to the west. If this 
was the case, it may explain the occurrence of a bracket between those 
windows, and we should have the " two chantries of the Trinity" of the 
Survey, for it is clear that this porch the only one of the kind in the 
building must be the Holy Trinity Chapel of the List of Pensions. There 
was, in 1307, an altar of St. Edmund, and probably only one of these 
chantries was dedicated to the Trinity, and it seems likely that one of 
them was removed hither from a singular position in the chancel, near 
the high altar, and opposite the monuments of the Widdringtons, which 
will next engage our attention. It may be observed that the seats in 
the chantry chapel belong to Linton, out of the mill of which vill 
the altar of St. Edmund was supported, and the porch, as mentioned 
by Dr. Singleton, was repairable by Mr. Askew, the purchaser of 

In the north wall of the chancel, are two sepulchral niches. That to 
the east is pointed, and is curiously surmounted by the Widdrington 
coat as a finial. That to the west, next to the north door, is lower in 
level, being below the altar steps, and its arch is segmental. In the 
flagging below it a very rude incised slab, bearing what is heraldrically 
termed a cross-crosslet is inserted. The labels of these monuments 
do not much differ. The moulding of the eastern one resembles that of 
the arch of the south door ; that of the western one corresponds with its 
jamb. Between the recesses are the remains of some object of iron. The 
mouldings of these tombs, and the square form of the windows, which 
are doubtless of the same date as the doorway, do not bespeak a very 
early phase of the Decorated style, and it is not probable that two 
separate niches would be made for man and wife. I cannot but notice 
the coincidence between these contemporary memorials and the two 
brothers, Sir Gerard and Roger de Widdrington, who witness deeds 
together till 1361. Roger was heir to Gerard, and died in 1372. Both 
gave money out of Driridge and "Widdrington for a chaplain. 

If to these brothers the monuments relate, the altar of St. Edmund, 
and probably the tombs of those ancestors whose souls were remembered 
in 1307, would be in what was afterwards the Holy Trinity Chapel. The 
new chantry seems to have been opposite the tombs, and a most curious 
junction with the arrangements for the high altar do those for the chan- 
try altar present under the blocked window of the chancol, just within 
the altar rails. The piscina for the high altar, as will be observed by 
the drawing, is furnished with a shelf high up in it, and a recess at each 
side of the bason. The existence of a chantry so close to it must have 


been highly inconvenient, and any change in it is not to be wondered 

Under the east window is a considerable sunken space, as if for some 
tablet or canopy, and, indeed, Hodgson saw three corbels there, which he 
observes probably supported the canopy of the altar. Between the nave 
and chancel is the mark of the rood-beam. Before the altar-rails is a 
slab marked SOPHIA . WIDRINGTON. The letters may be of the seven- 
teenth century, but I do not see the name in the pedigree at any date. 

For a history of the family, I must refer to Mr. Hodgson's elaborate 
collections, (2 Hist. Nd. ii. 223, &c.) When the picturesque old castle 
was standing north-east of and nearer to the church than its ugly suc- 
cessor, and when " the church-yard had no very clear boundary from 
the lands of the castle," the grouping of buildings must have been in- 
teresting. The village of Widdrington still bears an air of the olden 
time, but the ground round the chapel -yard is bare and desolate. 

Since Mr. Hodgson's period, however, some very curious facts have 
been elicited about Sir Henry "Widdrington of James I.'s time, and his 
brother Roger. Sir Henry is exhibited to advantage by Taylor the "Water- 
poet on his ' Penniless Pilgrimage" from Scotland by Newcastle, where 
he arrived on 1 Oct. 1618, and where, says he, "I found the noble 
knight Sir Henry "Witherington ; who, because I would have no gold 
nor silver, gave me a bay mare, in requitall of a loufe of bread that I 
had given him two and twenty yeares before, at the Hand of Flores, [in 
the Azores] of the which I have spoken before [in the Penniless Pilgrim- 
age, p. 131.] I overtooke at Newcastle a great many of my worthy 
friends, which were all comming for London, namely, Master Robert 
Hay and Master David Drumtnond, where I was welcomed at Master 
Nicholas Tempest's house. From Newcastle I rode with those gentlemen 
to Durham, to Darington, to Northallerton, and to Topcliffe in Yorke- 
shire, where I tooke my leave of them, and would needs try my penni- 
lesse fortunes by myselfe and see the City of Yorke." 

Dr. Morton, Archdeacon of Durham and Vicar of Newcastle, viewed 
Sir Henry in a very different light. There are not, writes he to "Win- 
wood in 1617, more than twelve preaching ministers in Northumberland. 
The people follow their masters, who are papists or atheists. The great 
thieves are supported by Lord Howard of Walden, and under him by 
Sir Henry and Roger Wodrington and Sir John Fenwick. The arch- 
deacon suggests that Lord Sheffield, should be Lord Lieutenant, to 
reside and rule with a strong hand, for Lord William Howard has so 
much power that he would have more partisans than the king himself. 7 

7 92 Domestic State Papers, t. James I., 17. 


Such complaints of Roger's tyranny and protection of robbers had been 
common in former correspondence. The judges look on, "bite their 
lips and scratch their heads, and say in private, See you not what a 
pass we are come in Northumberland ?" In 1616 Eoger Wodringtoa 
was accused of complicity in the Powder Plot, arrested and examined. 
Morton was glad of this, but writes that the prisoner was confident of 
escape from the accusation of making a collection for catholics. Hun- 
dreds would complain of his oppressions, but they " fear his letting loose 
again, and his brother Sir Harry's heavy hand." 8 Jloger in religion, 
and Sir Henry in matters of justice, are the roots of all the evil in the 
North parts. 9 Mr. Smaithwaite, the parson of Elsdon, also reports the 
impunity of the outlaws, who scour the country by thirties and fifties, 
and the tyranny of Roger Wodrington, to procure the liberty of whom, 
and of Francis Radclyffe, the papists meet and subscribe money to bribe 
some great man to that end. Several other interesting details about 
these matters are given in the invaluable calendars of State Papers now 
in course of publication. In 1626, Roger Widdringtou was still in 
custody for some reason, and prays for a countermand of the order for 
his confinement at Northampton, and that he may repair home or be 
confined in London. He appeals to the Council's recollection of his 
employment and behaviour under Queen Elizabeth and King James, and 
his defence by writing and otherwise against the dangerous positions of 
the adversaries of his majesty's government in causes temporal. Thomas 
Ogle has an hereditary malice against the petitioner and his house. 10 

Mr. Thomas Chaytor of Butterby, in his amusing diary, speaks once 
of Roger Widdrington. "1616, May. This moneth it was said Roger 
Woddrington was comited at London, for suspicion of the Powder Trea- 
son, as the rumour went, but I suppose he was never so madd. 7 ' In. 
1613, we have an entry exhibiting Sir Henry as a jockey. 

" This yeare : Sir George Conyers did winne the golden cupp att 
Rainton, and Turk my brother Henry Tempest' the silver. Att Gaterly, 
Sir William Gascoyn wonne. Att Hambleton, Sir George Conyers' mare 
bett a mare of Sir William Blaxton. Puppie, a horse of Sir John Fen- 
wick, bett a horse of the L. Kethe's in Scotland. Afterward a chat- 
lendge was maid for 200^'. att Laugerby betwixt Puppie and a horse 
of Sir Willm. Webbe's. Puppie lost the wager preter omnium opini- 
onem. The same day a match of 6 that rune for 20li. a peace, where 
Sir George Conyers' mare was one, and, for a revenge, Sir Willm. Blaxe- 
ston' mare, that was bett as above is said, followed and bett all that rune 
there, emongest which a horse of my lo. Scrope's called Gregory that cost 

8 87 Domestic State Papers, t. James I., 14. Ibid. Vol. 86, p. 96. 

> Ibid. Vol. 27, t. Cha. I., 114. 


him a great price, and x u he gave that he might runne emongest them 
for one he lost : and for a reveng challenged that mare of Sir William 
Blaxton which Sir William Webb had for a great sume bought, to run 
for 200/i. Sir Henry Woddrington ranne the maire, and my lord Scrop, 
Qregorie, and 5 staffes beinge placed in the race, 2Qli. everie staffe, the 
maire -won them all and there in y* the wager, and Gregorie holden 
for a jade, and my lord an unfortunate man in buyinge him. Sic tran- 
sit gloria mundi." 





DUBING the reign of James IV., which extended from 1488 to 1518, 
Scotland underwent great improvement in the arts and in the general 
administration of justice. The entrance of that monarch into public 
life was unfavourable; for, about his seventeenth year, he appeared in 
arms against his father, when the latter was slain, and by way of atone- 
ment for such error, he occasionally shut himself up for days in religious 
seclusion, and wore around his body an iron chain, to which he an- 
nexed some additional weight every year. But when such periods of 
penance were over, he entered freely into society, and by his bland de- 
portment to the nobles, and kindly bearing to the lowest of his subjects, 
he was much beloved and highly honoured. His love of sports and 
frolicksome disposition gained him, wherever he went, the cordial sym- 
pathy and attachment of his people. He paid much attention to the 
art of healing, and prided himself upon being the best curer of wounds 
in his dominions. By his great constitutional vigour and temperate 
living, he practised with success all bodily exercises ; and such was the 
order he maintained in his kingdom, that, with his cloak thrown around 
him and his hunting-knife by his side, he could have mounted on horse- 
back, and, without a single attendant, travelled upwards of a hundred 
miles in perfect safety. Though no great scholar himself, he well knew 
the value of learning; for having a natural son, instead of appointing him 
to any office of civil importance, he placed him at Padua, in Italy, under 
charge of the celebrated Erasmus, and such were the acquirements of the 
youth, that by the influence of his father and the authority of Pope Julius 
II., he was appointed, at an early age, Archbishop of St. Andrew's. At 
this period, in Scotland, considerable encouragement was given to liter- 
ature ; for the University of Aberdeen was now founded, and the king 
granted pensions, besides other gifts, to Blind Harry, the metrical his- 
torian of Wallace, and to William Dunbar, a poet who in graphic ability 
and Horatian terseness of expression has not yet been surpassed, even 
rot. m. 2 D 


by Robert Burns. But no better proof can be adduced of the progress of 
letters in Scotland during this reign, than that Gawin Douglas com- 
pleted in Scottish verse his translation of Yirgil's jtEneid about two 
months prior to the fatal battle of Flodden. 

All this time England was making equally great progress in art and 
science ; though up to the close of the fifteenth century, with exception 
of Chaucer, she had no popular versify ers or bards able to compete with 
Barbour and Dunbar. Some slight differences existed between Henry 
VII. and James the Scottish king, his son-in-law ; but the former by his 
prudence soothed the haughty spirit of the latter, without allowing tri- 
fles to appear of importance. Not so, however, with his imperious suc- 
cessor, Henry YIIL, whose presumption and power readily aiforded 
matter of complaint to James, but unfortunately the latter was unsuc- 
cessful in obtaining redress. For example, John, commonly called the 
Bastard Heron, having been implicated during the preceding reign in the 
murder of Sir Robert Ker, a Scottish warden, and especial favourite of 
the king, for whose crime his brother, Sir "William Heron of Ford, remain- 
ed a prisoner in Scotland, was allowed to go at large in England, and lead 
bands of outlaws across the Border for the sole object of plunder. Again, 
the Bartons, a seafaring family, whose father's vessel, in 1479, had been 
seized by a squadron belonging to Portugal, obtained letters of reprisal, 
and captured ships from that kingdom ; but complaints having been 
made at the court of England that her commerce was thereby obstructed, 
a couple of war-ships were selected to repress the grievance. They were 
commanded by Lord Thomas Howard and Sir Edward Howard, sons of 
the Earl of Surrey, and these captains falling in with Andrew Barton 
in the Downs, who was returning with one ship and an armed pin- 
nace from a cruise on the coast of Portugal, gave him battle, and after 
a desperate conflict, in which Barton was killed, his craft and guns 
were taken, and employed in the navy of England. This was considered 
a great insult to James, who felt proud of his maritime influence, and 
when he demanded immediate satisfaction, an evasive reply from Henry 
was all he could obtain. The circumstance tended probably to irritate 
him the more, from the contrast it presented to his own conduct on a 
similar occasion. In 1491 Henry VII., annoyed at the success of the 
Scottish flag, and the bravery of Sir Andrew Wood, gave command of 
three large ships to Stephen Bull, who undertook to bring this Scottish 
rover of the seas to England dead or alive. Bull took his position be- 
hind an island in the Forth, ardently awaiting for his prey. "Wood, 
with two vessels, hove in sight, and a most determined battle took 
place, which continued for two days, and the vessels drifting northward 


to the mouth of the Tay, the three ships of England, with their crews, 
were captured, and carried into Dundee. The victor handed over Bull 
and his prizes to the Scottish monarch, who gave the adventurous captain 
and his people gifts, and sent him with the ships as a present to the King 
of England. 

But beyond such differences as these, the main cause of dissension 
between the two kingdoms was the adherence of Scotland to the interest 
of France. About the beginning of 1513, Henry VIII. having entered 
into a confederacy with others who interfered in the quarrel between 
Pope Julius and Louis XII. of France, it was evident he meditated an 
invasion of that kingdom, and the King of Scotland employed every 
means to ward off the danger which threatened his old ally. He even 
proposed to his haughty brother-in-law a remission of all offences and 
damages suffered by his people, and afterwards observed that Henry 
might command every ship in his possession if he would abandon his 
hostile design upon France. Although rejecting these terms, Henry 
was desirous that James should remain quiet, and appointed Thomas Lord 
Dacre of Gilsland, and Dr. West, to conciliate and endeavour, if possible, 
to remove the differences which existed between the two countries. 
The latter proceeded to Scotland for that purpose, and when there 
exerted his influence to withdraw King James from the alliance with 
France. On this point, however, the latter continued immoveablej and 
after repeated attempts at negociation, West at last departed from Scot- 
land, bearing with him letters from the king and queen. Henry was 
earnestly entreated thereby to make peace with Louis, or at least to de- 
fer his expedition to France for one year, and the queen in a spirited 
epistle upbraided her brother for his meanness in withholding a legacy 
of valuable jewels left to her by her father. The English monarch in 
reply accused James warmly on the rupture he had made of perpetual 
peace, to which both kings had previously sworn, yet he was inclined 
to pacific measures if they were practicable. In the meantime, having 
on the 6th and l{5th of June sent off two divisions of troops to France, 
he set sail with the third on the 30th of that month, and soon after was 
stationed on his enemy's country at the head of an army of twenty-five 
thousand fighting men. 

James all along suspecting the wilful disposition of the English king, 
was steadily preparing for war. He determined in the first place to as- 
sist France ; and having bestowed great attention in the equipment of 
his navy, when tidings reached him of Henry's departure, he ordered his 
fleet, amounting to nearly twenty vessels, to prepare for sea, and be 
placed at the service of that kingdom. It sailed on the 24th of July 


with three thousand troops on board, under command of the Earl of 
Arran. Those ships the only fleet which Scotland ever prepared for 
war by the perverse guidance of the commander, did not reach France 
till after the battle of Flodden was fought. On the same day when the 
vessels sailed, James addressed another letter to Henry, who was now 
preparing to besiege Terouenne, complaining of injuries and grievances, 
and in an urgent tone desiring him to return to his own dominions, else, 
on behalf of France, he should be compelled to desist from his purpose. 
The missive reached its destination in due time, and the King of Eng- 
land replied with considerable warmth, but the answer did not arrive 
in Scotland till after the death of the king. 

Here it may be necessary to examine the position of James, and as- 
certain the causes why he adhered so closely to France. That kingdom 
had the policy to maintain a friendly intimacy with Scotland, sending 
her often provisions and arms, and assisting her in various ways as oc- 
casion required. Such acts of kindness, at a time when commercial 
intercourse was yet in its infancy, almost effaced the remembrance 
of the injury Scotland sustained on account of the former country at 
Neville's Cross, upwards of one hundred and sixty years before, and 
whatever might occur, James considered France a sure stay in case of 
adversity. He was likewise sagacious enough to perceive that if the 
arms of England were successful in overturning the state of that king- 
dom, Scotland might anticipate slight amity from a conqueror who was 
not likely to respect any barrier which stood in the way of his power or 
ambition. Besides all this, the king possessed great bravery, with a 
high sense of honour, and being slow to perceive any evil in those upon 
whom he bestowed confidence, the frank openness of his character 
tended to make him the dupe of crafty and designing men. In this 
way Andrew Forman, Bishop of Moray, won over by the gold and 
promises of France, brought all his influence to bear upon the king's 
weakness, and unhappily was too successful. This prelate had been 
sent to almost every court in Europe connected with Scotland, and by 
the most authentic of our historians, he is believed not only to have 
urged the king to his ruin, but to have sacrificed the interest of his 
country to his own worldly aggrandizement. He had been despatched 
as ambassador to France, and his aims were seconded by another favour- 
ite of the king, De la Motte, a French statesman, and a warrior both by 
sea and land. The latter was in the habit of bringing vessels laden 
with provisions to Scotland, and besides he captured by sea many English 
prizes, which he likewise conveyed thither. 

It thus fell out that when the English armies landed on the soil of 


France, that country redoubled her efforts to enlist Scotland in her 
cause. De la Motte accordingly arrived in Scotland with ships laden 
with wine and corn for the benefit of her people, but the most valuable 
portion of his freight consisted of a large quantity of crowns of the sun, 
a French golden coinage, which he distributed liberally to King James 
and his court. By way also of playing upon the temper of the king, 
with infinite skill, La Motte brought him a letter from the Queen of 
France, in which she represented herself as a high-born damsel in dis- 
tress to her own true knight, saying she had suffered much in defence 
of his honour, and requested him for her sake to march with his army 
three feet upon English ground. This letter was accompanied by a 
precious ring from her own finger, valued at fifteen thousand French 
crowns. At the same time Bishop Forman, by letter also, remonstrated 
with his sovereign that his honour was for ever lost unless he assisted 
France, as he, the said dignitary, had promised in his name. 

"With exception of those who had been recipients of, and were in- 
fluenced by the gold of France, the council of James, formed of his 
principal nobility, were opposed to a declaration of war against England, 
but the king would not listen to any pacific measure. He therefore 
summoned the whole military array of his kingdom to meet him within 
three weeks at the Borough Moor, near Edinburgh, with provisions for 
forty days. Scotland at that time, through the whole length and breadth 
of her boundaries, must have presented an animating spectacle. A 
thousand anvils rang from morning to night preparing armour and 
weapons ; swords, spears, and axes were sharpened in every village ; and 
many noble dames in hall and bower were busily employed, embroider- 
ing flags and pennons under which their lords were about to advance 
into England. It is said, when the multitude assembled they amounted 
to a hundred thousand men a great army to raise from so small a king- 
dom, but all the attendants and camp followers were undoubtedly in- 
cluded in that number. Tidings of these warlike preparations being 
circulated in England, a marauding party from Northumberland crossed 
over into Scotland, and, as a commencement to hostilities, brought off 
considerable spoil. Upon this, Alexander Lord Home, Warden of the 
Marches, and Chamberlain of Scotland, having called together nearly 
three thousand men upon horseback, entered England by way of re- 
taliation, and burned seven villages, besides collecting much plunder. 
Some detachments from the main body of the marauders hastened home 
with what they had secured, but as Lord Home and his immediate 
adherents were returning in a careless manner through the level plain 
of Millfield, they were attacked near Broomhouse by a large party 


of horse-archers and others under command of Sir "William Bulmer, the 
High Sheriff of the Bishoprick, who had been sent by the Earl of 
Surrey to defend the frontier. Cunningly concealing themselves among 
the long broom through which the path lay, they assailed the bands of 
straggling Scots, who were encumbered with booty, and killing nearly 
four hundred, took about two hundred prisoners, and put the remainder 
to flight. Home fled, but lost his banner, while his brother George was 
among the captives, and all the prey, comprising a large number of 
horses, was recovered by the English. . This encounter took place on the 
13th of August, and in Scotland the movement was generally known as 
" The 111 Kode." 

Such a misfortune, with other singular, but very remarkable occur- 
rences, tended to cloud the mind of the king, who was open to superstition, 
but did not prevent him from following out his martial design. As he 
sat engaged in his devotions in the church of Linlithgo, which adjoins 
the palace, a venerable personage, advanced in years, and wearing a 
primitive dress, came before him, and with an air of divine authority, 
warned him of the danger of invading England. A supernatural 
summons, also, at midnight, echoed from the cross of Edinburgh, 
calling by name the chief men, of Scotland, who subsequently fell at 
Flodden field. The queen likewise dreamed she had seen the king 
fall from a great precipice, and that she lost one of her eyes ; but all 
these premonitions, united to her entreaties that he would not enter 
into hostile collision with her brother, failed of effect. Animated by 
high chivalric daring, he considered the contempt shown to him by 
England deserved to be checked. It is true, that he and his people for 
the course of a generation were unaccustomed to war ; but on reviewing 
his gallant army upon the Borough Moor, the sight thereof might well 
flatter the pride of a king. The known bravery and undoubted loyalty 
of chief and vassal, should he march to the south, afforded him a fair 
prospect of success. 

Neither before nor since did ever Scotland furnish an army of fighting 
men like those who were collected at that time on the Borough Moor. 
Owing to the authority exercised by the sheriffs and bailiffs of the 
several counties, in observing that the troops were properly arrayed for 
war, they presented a most formidable appearance. The principal 
leaders and men at arms were mounted on able horses ; the Border 
prickers rode those of a less size, but remarkably active. Those wore 
mail, chiefly of plate, from head to heel ; that of the higher ranks being 
wrought and polished with great elegance, while the Borderers had ar- 
mour of a very light description. All the others were on foot, and the 


burgesses of the towns wore what was called white armour, consisting of 
steel cap, gorget and mail brightly burnished, fitting gracefully to the 
body, and covering the limbs and hands. The yeomen or peasantry 
had the sallat or iron cap, the hauberk or plate jack, formed of thin 
flat pieces of iron quilted below leather or linen, which covered the 
legs and arms, and they had gloves likewise. The Highlanders 
were not so well defended by armour, though the chiefs were partly 
armed like their southern brethren, retaining, however, the eagle's 
feather in the bonnet, and wearing, like their followers, the tartan and 
the belted plaid. Almost every soldier had a large shield or target for 
defence, and wore the white cross of Saint Andrew, either on his breast 
or some other prominent place. The offensive arms were the spear. five 
yards in length, the long pike, the mace or mallet, two-handed and 
other swords, the dagger, the knife, the bow and sheaf of arrows ; while 
the Danish axe, with a broad flat spike on the opposite side to the edge, 
was peculiar to the Islesmen, and the studded targe to the Highlanders. 
King James at length putting his train of artillery into motion, which 
consisted of twenty-two pieces, chiefly drawn by oxen, marched to the 
south as light-hearted as he had been about to take part in a tournament, 
and crossing the Tweed near Coldstream, he entered upon his enemy's 
ground on Monday the 22nd day of August. The next two days, unless 
he employed a part of the time in besieging Wark Castle, would appear 
to have been inactively spent ; for on Wednesday the 24th, he was at 
Twysel-haugh, and there issued an edict that the heirs of all who fell in 
that expedition should have " ward, relief and marriage of the king free." 
Thence leading his forces down the Tweed, he laid siege to Norham Castle, 
and speedily gaining the outworks, demolished one of its towers, killed 
several of its defenders, and the fortress surrendered to him on Monday 
the 29th. Eemaining there probably till the next day, to secure the 
plunder, for a large quantity was stowed up in the place, he moved 
westward, and captured Wark Castle, bordering upon the Tweed, about 
two miles above Cornhill. Then the king led his army against the 
castle of Etal, which also surrendered, and if we suppose that three 
days were thus spent in obtaining possession of the last two strongholds, 
on Friday the 2nd, or at latest on Saturday the 3rd of September, suit 
was made to him by Elizabeth Heron, wife of Sir William Heron, that 
the house or castle of Ford, where she resided, might not be assaulted 
or thrown down. It would appear he agreed to the proposition, that if 
at any time before noon on Monday the 5th of September, she, the said 
Elizabeth, would cause to be delivered up to him the Lord Johnstone 
and Alexander Hume, then prisoners in England, the castle should 


stand without being burned or spoiled. Occupied as the king was in 
conducting his army within an enemy's boundaries, it is unlikely that 
any correspondence between him and Lady Heron would be opened up 
until he was beleaguering Etal Castle, and the week then must have 
been far advanced. 1 If they met, it would appear to have been for 
a short period, for the lady departed to meet the Earl of Surrey, 
who assented to the conditions at Alnwick on Sunday the 4th of Sep- 

Two weeks were thus spent in assaulting, taking, plundering, and 
throwing down two or three Border castles, without effecting any other 
important movement. Never before had such a force of armed men who 
belonged Scotland crossed the Tweed, and never before did any Scottish 
army, however small in numbers, inflict for the time so little injury 
upon England. Had the king been actuated by something of the spirit 
of Bruce, or that of the great leaders under that noble warrior, he 
might have penetrated to York, and, besides plundering Newcastle and 
Durham, swept the country and returned unharmed again to his own 
kingdom. The weather, be it remembered, was exceedingly unfavour- 
able, for great cold and wind prevailed, and rain poured down almost 
every hour from the time of entering England ; but this had not pre- 
vented James from carrying out any extended warlike measure, and it 
is apparent that though he drew the sword, he did not aim at striking 
a decisive blow. Undoubtedly he expected no opposition from England, 
and to march in a hostile manner upon her soil, to demolish some of her 
fortresses, to make known where he went his prowess and chivalric 
bearing, and to exhibit the pomp and splendour of his army south of the 
Tweed, seems to have been the extent of his ambition, for during the 
period of his absence from his own land, he never penetrated more than 
seven or eight miles beyond the line which separates the two kingdoms. 

When Henry VIII. sailed to France he appointed Thomas Earl of 
Surrey, Lieutenant-general of the Northern Counties, telling him not to 
be negligent, and to place no dependance upon the Scots. Such a charge 
could not possibly have devolved upon one better qualified to perform 
it. He was an old man in his sixty-ninth year, and acquainted with 
war, having, with his father the Duke of Norfolk, commanded the 

1 The evidence supplied both hy Lindsay of Pitscottie, and Buchanan, on the king's 
improper intimacy with Lady Heron, is certainly strong ; but the time noted in the 
text is given according to our chronicles, and the reader may consult notes on this 
subject both in Lingard's History and in the Pictorial History of England, also an 
excellent little volume, Oliver's (Chatto's) Rambles in Northumberland. If report 
spake true, James acted ungallantly to throw down the lady's castle, after stipulating 
to preserve it. 


archers in the army of Richard III. at Bosworth field, on which occasion 
his said father was slain. The threatening attitude of Scotland was 
well known in England, and Surrey collecting his adherents and tenants 
together, numbering five hundred men, rode through London with them 
on the 22nd day of July, and came to the castle of Pontefract, west of 
York, on the 1st of August. "Without delay he ordered Sir William 
Bulmer, already mentioned, to proceed to the Borders with two hundred 
archers on horseback, and remain there in the strongholds ready to 
meet the foe. Thomas Lord Dacre, who had spies in his service, was 
also placed to give intimation of any advance of the enemy. Calling, 
therefore, the wisest and most intelligent noblemen and gentlemen 
left in the kingdom to his assistance, Surrey, by their advice and 
approval, made every preparation for defence, arranging with Sir Philip 
Tylney, who was his brother-in-law, how the troops should be paid, and 
directing Sir Nicholas Appleyard, Master of the Ordnance, how the ar- 
tillery should be dispatched to the North. He also commanded all 
lords spiritual and temporal, with knights and others who had tenants 
or the command of towns, to enumerate the men under each who could 
be horsed and harnessed at an hour's notice, and ordered them to attend 
upon himself. Moreover, he appointed posts everywhere over the 
northern parts, that he might have that portion of the kingdom under 
his immediate controul. Equally great was the commotion over Eng- 
land with what has been told of Scotland. Every province of the North 
resounded with tidings of war, the people were in excellent heart on 
the stirring occasion, old and young men got ready their armour, females 
lent their assistance, and Queen Catherine herself, in a letter to "Wolsey, 
dated the 13th of August, stated, " she was horrible busy with making 
standards, banners, and badges." 

It has been said that King James crossed the Tweed on the 22nd day 
of August, tidings of which reached the Earl of Surrey early on Thurs- 
day the 25th, with the addition that his army were wasting the English 
Borders. On the same day Surrey wrote to all the northern gentlemen 
to be with him at Newcastle, with their followers, on Thursday the 1st 
day of September, and with his retinue of five hundred men he pro- 
ceeded onward from Pontefract to York. On the following day he ad- 
vanced to the North, amid such foul weather that his guide was almost 
drowned. During his stay at Durham he learned with much sorrow 
that Norham Castle had yielded to the Scots, and on the succeeding 
night the wind blew so furiously, he was afraid his eldest son, Lord 
Thomas Howard, Admiral of England, who had promised to meet him 
at Newcastle with a large number of men, would be lost at sea. But 

VOL. in. 2 a 


on the 30th day of August he heard mass, and by consent of the prior, 
obtained, for the ensuing struggle, Saint Cuthbert's banner, which was 
borne by Sir John Porster that ancient hallowed relic which before 
had waved over several battle fields, and was considered a sure pledge 
of victory. That day, being Tuesday, he moved forward to Newcastle, 
where he met Lord Dacre, Sir William Bulmer, Sir Marmaduke Consta- 
ble, and others, upon whom he relied as councillors, and resolved that on 
Sunday the 4th of September he should take the field at Bolton, in 
Northumberland, a few miles west of Alnwick. The counties of Cheshire, 
Yorkshire, Lancashire, Westmorland, Cumberland, and other places 
throughout England, now contributed their forces of armed men, who 
came forward in vast numbers. 2 Boys even did what they could in the 
great cause of defence, for Henry Jenkins, about his eleventh year, who 
lived to be the oldest man upon record in England, was sent from the 
southern part of Bichmondshire to Northallerton with a horse-load of 
arrows. Troops were crossing the Tyne hourly, and as Newcastle had 
slender accommodation for large numbers of men, the Earl of Surrey 
quitted that town to make room for those who were entering it, and 
journeying onward, he readied Alnwick on Saturday the 3rd of Septem- 
ber. Inclement weather prevented the forces arriving in due time; 
hence he lingered during the next day in that town, when his son, the 
Lord Admiral, joined him with a large number of brave captains, hardy 
mariners, and others, wearing black armour, with St. George's cross 
floating above them. This reinforcement was most acceptable to the 
earl, who, calling his council together, proceeded to determine the order 
in which he should meet the enemy. Here, by cordial and general 
approval, he wrote to the King of Scotland, assenting to the propo- 
sition made by Elizabeth Heron to deliver up the Lord Johnstone and 
Alexander Hume, on condition that Ford Castle should neither be spoiled 
nor demolished. He further agreed that if King Jarnes would give up 
to Elizabeth Heron her husband, who was then a prisoner, as already 
stated, he the earl would cause to be delivered in exchange Sir George 
Hume and William Carr. The earl also observed, that as the King of 
Scotland had invaded his brother's realm, casting doAvn castles and mur- 
dering his subjects, battle would be offered him on Friday first, as he, 
Surrey, was true knight to God and the king. With this missive, 
Thomas the Lord Admiral empowered Bouge Croix, a pursuivant-at- 

2 It -would appear that there were men from all parts of England in the army. 
John Winchcombe, the famous clothier of Newbury, in Berkshire, commonly called 
" Jack of Newbury" was present, accompanied by a hundred of his own men, all 
armed and clothed at his expence. The kindling spirit of English patriotism extended 
much farther than the northern counties. 


arms, wearing the red cross of St. George, to shew King James, that as 
he had been blamed on days of truce in not making redress for van- 
quishing Andrew Barton, he was now come personally to justify the 
death of that pirate, and would be found in the front of the battle, 
where he would give no quarter, save to the Mug's own person. It 
may be observed that a trumpeter accompanied the messenger when he 
was dispatched to the Scottish camp. 

Accordingly, on Monday the 5th of September, the Earl of Surrey took 
his field at Bolton, where all the noblemen and others met him with their 
retinues, amounting to upwards of twenty-six thousand men. King James 
detained the English pursuivant, and sent Islay, his own herald, who was 
not allowed to approach Bolton, but ou arrival of the trumpeter, Surrey 
despatched Tork herald with him, to Mile, westward, at a distance from 
the camp. On the morning of Tuesday, Surrey, accompanied by the 
leaders of the army, each having a servant man to hold his horse, went 
thither, and gave Islay audience. The Scottish herald showed that 
King James gave no answer to the application for preserving Ford Cas- 
tle, but he the earl was welcome as any nobleman in England respecting 
battle, and that if the king had received his letter at Edinburgh, he 
would have come and fulfilled the earl's desire upon the appointed day. 
To the forward message of the Lord Admiral, he the king did not con- 
descend to make any reply. Islay then delivered a brief note written 
by the king's secretary, relating that his brother the King of England 
had broken peace first with him that in vain he had required him to 
amend, and warning him of his conduct, he took this for his quarrel, 
which by the grace of God he should defend. The Earl of Surrey, on 
learning that James accepted his offer of battle, was right joyous, and 
praising the courage of the king, offered to be bound in a large sum of 
money he would not fail of his intention. 3 After some arrangement about 

3 Surrey seemed desirous above all things to bring the Scots to battle. In addition 
to his proposal that he and good surety with him should be bound in ten thousand 
pounds sterling towards the accomplishment thereof, the earl also observed thst foil- 
ing his promise, the following disgrace might be put upon him, and as it illustrates 
the early meaning of the word " baffle," the quotation is supplied from Hall: "And 
farthermore the Earle bad the Heraulde for to save to his maister, that yf he for his 
parte kept not hys appoyntmente, then he was content that the Scottcs shoulde Eaf- 
full hym, which is a great reproche anmngc the Scottes, and is used when a man is 
openly perjured, and then they make of hym an image paynted reuersed, with hys 
heles upwarda, wyth hys name, wonderynge, cryenge, and blowing out of hym with 
homes, in the most dispitefull mancr they can. In token that he is worthy to be ex- 
iled the compaignie of all good creatures." Fol. xl. 

Shakspeare had undoubtedly the above passage in remembrance when he penned 
the following : 

" PRINCE. Where shall we take a purse to-morrow, Jack? 

" FALSTAFF. Where thou wilt, lad, I'll make one ; an I do not, call me villain and 
baffle me." Henry IV. Part Second. Act I. Scene II. 


the safe return of the herald, the earl returned to the camp, and sent the 
whole army forM'ard in suitable order of battle to \Vooler-haugh, where 
they lodged that night. 

We may here avail ourselves of a passing glance at the armed men who 
three days afterwards vanquished the power of Scotland near Branxton. 
The Earl of Surrey, as he is shown on the evening before the battle, in 
the Memorials, Sfc of the Howard Family, has his helmet placed before him 
with feathers flowing down behind, a sort of tippet-like plate covering the 
shoulders, whereon the white lion is conspicuous, other plates round his 
body descending nearly to the knee, showing also his blazonings, and leg 
armour to the toes, the plates of which at that place are very broad, 
and at the heels are large pointed spurs. Again, the nobility, knights, 
and men at arms were on horseback, each accompanied by attendants 
according to his rank. They wore also plate armour from head to foot, 
some sorts of which, belonging to superior men, were brightly polished 
and occasionally inlaid with silver or gold, while their steeds were 
richly caparisoned with housings embroidered with the devices of their 
respective owners. Among the spearmen and billmen, who were on foot, 
plate mail had given way to armour, similar to that mentioned pre- 
viously as prevailing in the Scottish army, being composed of small steel 
or iron plates, of a square form, overlapping each other, and quilted 
either upon or within linen or leather. Such a covering was flexible, 
yielding to every turn of the body, and kept the wearer often safe from 
the thrust of a spear or the stroke of a sword. Many of the archers 
wore the brigantine or jack, like the spearmen or billmen, while others, 
as in the preceding reign, were " clad in a shirt of chain mail with very 
wide sleeves, and over this a small vest of red cloth laced in front, with 
hose on the leg and braces on the left arm." The horsemen had the 
mace or battle axe in addition to the lance, the sword, and dagger. 
The spearman, whose name indicates the weapon he bore, had also the 
sword and dagger, and indeed the two latter were girded on almost 
every soldier in the army. The two-handed sword was not in much 
request ; but of the several arms mentioned, the most effective was the 
large bill a strong blade with an edge from eighteen to twenty-four 
inches long, mounted on a handle of sufficient length, and wielded by 
the powerful and able-bodied peasantry of England. The archer, again, 
with his bow cased in coarse cloth, and a sheaf of arrows, beside the 
dagger and sword, on the hilt of which was usually a small buckler, 
had often a leaden mell which he bore at his back, and as the bow was 
useless in close combat, such a hammer was often fatal as the great bill. 
According to the fashion of the previous reign, white was the prevailing 


hue of the whole army, save that of the mariners brought by the ad- 
miral, and all wore the red cross of St. George, except a dignitary of the 
church or an officer at arms. 

King James, in the meantime, after the castles of Norham, "Wark, 
and Etal had been taken and spoiled, came with his army before 
that of Ford, and whether it was through revenge of the death of Sir 
Robert Ker, or that the Lord Johnstone and Alexander Hxime were 
not delivered up to him by noon on the 5th of September, or that the 
English army were at hand, it would be difficult to know, but he threw 
down the stronghold, by the falling of the timbers whereof, several of his 
men were injured. About this time large numbers of the army, having 
ravaged the adjoining country, whence they collected much booty and 
took many prisoners, owing to the continued severity of the weather, 
forsook their colours, and covertly retired with their spoil into Scotland. 
Those who remained, consisting chiefly of the superior men of the king- 
dom, and their immediate tenants or followers, were encamped on the 
grounds below Ford, and on the king receiving the hostile message 
from Surrey, a council was held to decide what measures ought to be 
adopted. The most sagacious of the nobles, among whom were Lord 
Patrick Lindsay, and Archibald Sixth Earl of Angus, called " Bell the 
Cat," concurred in the opinion that the army should return home 
instantly with what booty they had acquired. The main reason for this 
was, that the numbers of the army were now greatly reduced, and in- 
telligence had reached them of the superiority in this respect of the 
enemy. Lindsay alluded to the imprudence of bringing all the nobility 
and gentry of Scotland into battle against Surrey and so many common 
English people, showing the danger to which his own country would be 
liable in case of defeat, and the slight honour which would accrue to 
her were they victorious. He advocated this point most forcibly in au 
apologue of a merchant playing at hazard with a gambler, wherein he 
likenjed their monarch to a rose-noble and Surrey to a bent halfpenny, 
being, as he said, " an old crooked carle sitting in a chariot," which 
might not be far from the truth. Angus, a veteran of sago experience, 
observed the king had already gained great honour; that the object 
for which they came into England had been fully accomplished ; that 
great benefit had been rendered to their ally by drawing off and retain- 
ing for this occasion such a large English army ; that if they returned 
home they would be better able to cope with the enemy in their own 
land ; and besides, in their present strength, they would keep the Eng- 
lish constantly on the watch, and no higher service than this could pos- 
sibly be rendered to France. Hereupon the king was very angry, for 


he threatened Lindsay with death on returning to Scotland, maintain- 
ing he would fight the English if they were one hundred thousand 
strong, and telling Angus if he was afraid he might go home a taunt 
which the old warrior felt keenly, for it is said he burst into tears; hut 
availing himself of the liberty granted, he retired, leaving behind him 
his two eldest sons, and a large body of his name and kindred, as pledges 
of loyalty to his sovereign. Looking, however, at the matter, in its 
various bearings, and taking into consideration the probable inferiority 
of his strength in point of numbers to the English, King James forth- 
with removed his camp to Flodden hill, a commanding position about 
two miles south-west of the former place. A battery of guns was 
planted on the east, to defend the bridge over the Till at Ford, and a 
square line of defence was thrown up round the camp, the traces of 
which are still visible. Here, on the evening of the 8th of September, 
he was joined by the Earl of Caithness, who brought with him three 
hundred young warriors all dressed in green. 4 

In the Memorials, fyc. of the Howard Family already alluded to, the Earl 
of Surrey is represented, on the morning before the Battle of Flodden, 
kneeling upon a cushion in the attitude of prayer; but one may suppose 
that when engaged in strife a steady but vengeful fire would glow from 
his dark eyes, as if it would scorch up his enemies. Had he been desirous 
to spare the effusion of blood, it had been well on his part could he 
have induced the King of Scotland to depart peaceably to his own land. 
But this he was eager to prevent, as if conscious that his own army 
were superior to that of Scotland, and above every other consideration, 
he seemed wishful that James should remain. So intently lie appears to 
have sought mortal combat, that it may almost be suspected some serious 
affront had been put upon him by the king, which could only be expi- 
ated by blood, but of this there is no trace on the side of James, who 
uniformly treated the earl with courtesy and kindness. Ten years be- 

4 This incident is related in a note appended to Dr. Leyden's beautiful bde on 

Visiting Flodden : 

" Under the vigorous administration of James IV., the young Earl of Caithness 
incurred the penalty of outlawry and forfeiture, for revenging an ancient feud. On 
the evening preceding the battle of Flodden, accompanied by three hundred young 
warriors, arrayed in green, he presented himself before the king, and submitted to his 
mercy. This mark of attachment was so agreeable to that warlike prince, that he 
granted an immunity to the earl and his followers. The parchment on which this 
immunity was inscribed, is said to be still preserved in the archives of the Earls of 
Caithness, and is marked with the drum-strings, having been cut out of a drum-head, 
as no other parchment could be found in the army. The earl and his gallant band 
perished to a man in the battle of Flodden ; since which period, it has been reckoned 
unlucky in Caithness to wear green, or cross the Ord on a Monday, the day of the 
week on which the chieftain advanced into Sutherland." 

Leyden's Poems. Kelso, 1858. p. 298. 


fore, they were very friendly ; 5 for Surrey was commissioned to convey 
to him his royal bride, and the earl witnessed all the pageantry and 
festivity both before and after that joyous occasion, while his countess, 
on the day after the marriage, was presented with " xv elne claith of 
gold, quhen sche and her dochter, Lady Gray, clippit the king's berde." 
Still, it may have been in his public capacity alone that Surrey acted 
as he did, and if so, justice on his part was the less tempered with 
mercy. Viewing him in this light, he was so bent upon his duty of 
repelling assault, that no previous intimacy with an adversary, could 
avert in any degree his intended blow. Successful by his first epistle 
to the king in turning the bravery of the latter to his own hostile pur- 
pose, and learning on the return of Rouge Croix that the Scottish camp 
was removed to the hill of Plodden, a place admirable for defence, he 
again, by advice of his council, wrote to the king, to induce him, if 
possible, to descend from his position, which, he observed, resembled a 
fortress, and fight on Millfield Plain, which lay directly between 
the two armies. The missive was dated from Wooler-haugh, on the 7th 
September, at five o'clock in the afternoon, and signed by Surrey 
and eighteen of the principal men of the army. But the herald 
who conveyed it was not admitted to the royal presence, and the reply 
was, that it became not an earl to write in that way to a king ; 
only no sorcery should be used, and no dependance was placed on 
any ground "When the messenger-at-anns returned to Wooler-haugh 
early on Thursday the 8th, and shewed how the king would not 
abandon his place, another plan was devised. The English began 
to experience the want of provisions, for it would seem they brought 
none with them, and every article of food in the district before them 
had been prudently removed, lest it should be taken or destroyed 
by the enemy. Something effective, therefore, was necessary to be 
done, and by arrangement of Surrey and his council, the whole force 
advanced forward to the North, crossing the Till, and marching by 
Dodclington, till they reached Barmoor "Wood, about five miles north- 
east of Flodden, where they encamped for the night. East of Ford is 
a ridge of hills, from the highest point of which Lord Howard, the ad- 
miral, carefully observed the position of the Scottish army. On the 
evening of the same day, it was concluded to march again across the 

' 5 Soon after Queen Margaret's arrival in Edinburgh, she thus wrote to her father, 
Henry VII. : 

" My lorde of Surrey ys yn great favor with the Kyng her, that he cannott forher 
the companey of hyra no tyme oif the day. He and the hichopp off Murrey ordereth 
every thyng as nycht as they can to the Kyng's pleasur." 

EJlis's Letters, First series, i., 42. 


Till, not far from its confluence with the Tweed, and give battle to the 

Next morning early, being Friday, the memorable 9th of September, 
in accordance with the said resolution, the English army were in motion, 
and instead of keeping the way direct to Berwick, they swerved to the 
north-west by Duddo, advancing between King James and his own land. 
At this time, Giles Musgrave, an Englishman, who was with the Scots 
and in favour with the king, endeavoured, though ineffectually, for the 
benefit of his own country, to persuade him to descend from Flodden, 
under pretence that Surrey was on his way, to waste and plunder Scot- 
land. But the vanguard under command of Lord Howard, with the artil- 
lery, and stores consisting of baggage and ammunition, crossed the Till 
about eleven o'clock, at Twyse} bridge, which is still remaining. The 
rearward, with its commander, the Earl of Surrey, also passed that stream 
about a mile higher up, at a place then called Millford, probably a ford 
near the mill of Heton, sufficiently shallow for the main body to pass 
over. Nearly all our historians blame King James for not attacking the 
English when they crossed the river, which, they relate, he might have 
done with great advantage, but Twysel is at a distance of about five 
miles from Flodden, and the king would not then abandon his favour- 
able position. 

Both the nobles and people of Scotland, being averse to the inroad, 
were opposed to war, and ere they left home, had all heard of the several 
warnings given to the nation, not to hold out mortal defiance to Eng- 
land. Even now, trifles had occurred to make them dread the worst, 
and almost every circumstance tended to lessen the assurance of a for- 
tunate issue to the combat in which they were about to engage. In a 
council held by the king and his chief men, a hare started up among 
them, and though many a hand was lifted against the timid animal, it 
escaped through the whole army. The cloth of the royal tent, on the 
morning of the battle, was wet with moisture of a red colour, and mice 
had gnawed asunder the leathern strap which fastened the king's hel- 
met. Still more, Friday from time immemorial was considered an 
unpropitious day, and now an event was to be decided thereon, upon 
which depended the destinies of a kingdom. All joyous sounds and 
lovely lineaments of the year had passed away. The very sky, we may 
suppose, was cloudy, for a south-east wind played mournfully among the 
trees, the leaves of which had lost the bright hue of summer, while the 
long grass, drenched with rain, waved sadly above the damp soil. 
Patches of cultured fields, few in number, had been stripped of the 
season's growth, and this the Scots had wasted and destroyed. The 


very face of nature was in the course of being changed, and many of 
themselves, as the hour of battle was at hand, would be swept away 
by the strong arm of the avenging foe. 

"When the English army emerged from the banks of the Till, and pro- 
ceeded between King James and Scotland, their movement could not fail 
to cause great excitement among the Scots. Had they come either by the 
plain of Millfield or by Ford bridge, the king was ready to give them bat- 
tle, but he had not anticipated any attack from the north. Could it be that 
the Earl of Surrey intended to assault him in his entrenchments, or did 
he mean to take possession of the neighbouring eminence, upwards of a 
mile to the west, called Branxton hill ? The latter was evidently that 
leader's design, for the banners of his army moved on in that direction, 
and if he obtained such a position, he would not only annoy those in 
the camp, by cutting off all communication between them and Scotland, 
but meet them in battle at his pleasure on ground equal, if not superior, 
to that which they themselves occupied. The king, therefore, considering 
it would detract from his honour were he to remain still, as if beseiged 
in a fortress, or trust more to the strength of the ground he held than 
to the bravery of his people, resolved to quit Flodden, and occupy Branx- 
ton hill before it could be secured by the English. This was im- 
mediately carried into effect. The artillery, comprising seven beautiful 
culverins, founded by Robert Borthwick, and named the "Seven Sisters," 
were sent off first, the fighting men, in battle array, followed, with the 
king and his nobility on horseback near them ; the spoil and provisions 
were speedily removed, and fire being applied to the litter and refuse 
left behind, the smoke thereof, borne by the wind, floated densely away 
between the two armies. 

During the two previous days the English had little else than water 
to drink, and on the day of conflict they had scarcely any food to eat, 
yet encouraged by the Earl of Surrey, who desired that they should ac- 
quit themselves like Englishmen, they advanced towards Branxton in 
regular order. At that hour it must have been a thrilling sight to wit- 
ness such an host of determined men marching towards the Scots, with 
flags and pennons innumerable of every form and device floating above 
them, prepared to do battle in defence of their country. They were separ- 
ated into two bodies or wards, nearly equal in number, each having a 
centre and a right and left wing the foreward being on the right, and 
the rear or main-ward on the left. The former was commanded by 
Lord Thomas Howard, the admiral, with Henry Lord Clifford, usually 
called "the Shepherd Lord," aged sixty, Richard Nevill Lord Latimer, 
Lord Scrope of Upsal, Sir Christopher Ward, Sir John Everingham, Sir 

VOL. Ill, 2 F 


Nicholas Appleyard, Sir William Sydney of Penshurst, Thomas Lord Con- 
yers of Sockburn, John Lord Lumley, "William Baron of Hylton, Sir 
"William Bulmer and others, being the power of the Bishoprick under 
the banner of Saint Cuthbert, llobert Lord Ogle, Sir William Gascoigne 
the elder of Leasingcroft, Sir John Gower, and divers other gentlemen of 
Yorkshire and Northumberland, with their tenants and followers, also 
the mariners brought by the admiral himself, the whole amounting to 
about nine thousand men. Westward of the foreward, but near to it, was 
the extreme right wing under Sir Edmund Howard, brother to the ad- 
miral, and Marshall of the host, with whom were Sir Bryan Tunstall 
and one hundred men, Sir Thomas Butler of Beausey, Sir John Bothe, 
Sir John Lawrence of Dun, Sir Richard Bold with his vassals and 
archers from Lancashire, Sir Richard Cholmondeley of Cheshire, Sir John 
Bigot, Sir Thomas Fitz- William, Sir Robert Warcop, the men of Hull, 
the king's tenants of Hatfield, many from Lancashire and the county 
palatine of Chester, and two hundred men from the south of England, 
numbering altogether above three thousand. East of the Admiral's 
battalion was his left wing, under charge of Sir Marmaduke Constable 
of Flamburgh, who was seventy years of age, William Constable, his 
brother, Sir Robert, Marmaduke, and William, his sons, Sir William 
Percy, his son in law, with a large number of retainers of his brother, 
Earl Percy, Sir John Constable, others from Yorkshire and Northumber- 
land, and all their respective followers, together with one thousand men 
from Lancashire, almost approaching in number to those who formed the 
right wing. Such was the foreward, and it was considerably in advance 
of the other portion of the army. 

The centre of the rearward was commanded by the Earl of Surrey, 
in company with Sir Philip Tylney, Henry Lord Scrope of Bolton, Sir 
John Radcliffe of Lancashire, Sir George Dacre, Christopher Pickering, 
George Darcy, Sir Richard Tempest, Sir John Mandeville, Sir Christo- 
pher Clapham, William Gascoigne the younger, Bryan Stapleton, John 
Willoughby, John Stanley with the Bishop of Ely's servants, Sir 
Lionel Percy with an hundred followers and the Abbot of Whitby's 
tenants, the citizens of York and others, with their retainers, number- 
ing, as records tell us, about five thousand men. Westward of Surrey, 
forming his right wing, though placed somewhere behind the other di- 
visions, that assistance might be rendered when required, was Lord 
Dacre with fifteen hundred horse, the bowmen of Kendal wearing milk- 
white coats and red crosses, and the men of Keswick, Stanmore, Alston 
Moor, and Gilsland, chiefly bearing large bills. In company with Dacre 
was the Bastard Heron, commanding another troop of horse, trained to 



'/A ? 










Border depredation, and ready at any time for battle. On the eastern 
edge of the field, forming Surrey's left wing, was a numerous division, 
both of horse and foot, headed by Sir Edward Stanley, a knight whose 
father having married the mother of Henry VII., brought him into 
close relationship with the king. Saving Sir William Molyneux of 
Seftonhall, in Cheshire, and Sir Henry Kickley, it is difficult to glean 
from our chronicles who were his gallant companions in arms, but his 
own son of the same name bore his banner, and his influence being ex- 
tensive, he commanded the chief power of Cheshire and Lancashire 
men well adapted for war, and exceedingly dexterous in the use of the 
bill and long bow. We have no direct information of the numbers con- 
tained in these two wings, but computing them at a low average, if 
upwards of three thousand be assigned to Stanley, and less than that 
amount to Lord Dacre, we shall probably be not far from the truth, for 
the force of the former, occupying the whole eastern side of the battle 
field, is estimated to have been the greater. These numbers, be it re- 
membered, are in accordance with statements supplied by English 
writers who lived at or near that period, and whose narratives were 
published during the lifetime of many of the Flodden heroes. 6 

Unfortunately we have no authority, either from the English or Scot- 
tish historians, on which reliance can be placed, for ascertaining pre- 
cisely the numbers of the Scottish army. Judging, however, from the 
desertions which took place day and night from the camp, four or five 
days previously the eagerness of Surrey for battle, who we may sup- 
pose well knew what power he had to encounter the desire of the 
Scottish nobles to withdraw over the Tweed, and the final result of the 
conflict, we would say the whole force at the king's disposal did not 
exceed from twenty to twenty-four thousand fighting men. It is said 
the Scottish nobles were desirous that the king should retire, and re- 
main as a spectator aloof from danger, and then, however the fortune of 
the day went, his life would be preserved for the welfare of his country. 
They proposed the forces of the north should be led on by the Earls of 
Huntley, Argyle and Crawford ; those of the west, by the Earl of Glen- 

6 See a tract of four leaves comprising a sketch of the battle, reprinted in 1 809, 
under revise of Haslewood, and sold by R. Triphook. In 1822, it was added to the 
publications of the Typographical Society of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. The original 
had been emprinted by Richard Faques, shortly after the encounter, but from the in- 
coherence of the sentence at which the second leaf ends and the third begins, though 
the catch- word " say-de" agrees, one leaf or more may have been wanting. The 
best and most ample account of the conflict, however, is found in Hfdl's Chronicle, an 
edition of which was published in 1650, four years before the demise of Thomas 
Lord Howard, the admiral, who, after the death of his father, became third Duke of 


cairn and the Lords Graham and Maxwell ; and the strength of the 
south, by the Earls of Angus, Bothwell, and the Lord Home. But the 
king would not listen to any arrangement of that kind, and hence it 
was rejected. Indeed, from the leaders themselves being inexperienced 
in every plan relating to open-field warfare, and participating in the 
universal excitement caused by the rapidity with whioh they were at last 
assailed, it is probable that the troops were not arranged in the most ap- 
proved manner to withstand and vanquish an opposing army. They were 
divided into five battalions, each numbering probably from four to five 
thousand, the king himself heading that in the centre, whereby he was 
supported by two wings on every side. Four of these divisions occupied 
the whole front of Branxton hill, looking to the north, and ranging in lines 
from west to east, with the artillery placed both before each body of men 
and in the open spaces between them. That which remained, form- 
ing the fifth, was placed behind the king on his right, and leaned to- 
wards the rear of that on the eastern side of the field. Farthest to the 
west was the extreme left wing, under Alexander Earl of Huntley and the 
Lord Home the former commanding Highlanders from Aberdeenshire 
and other places, and the latter, being "Warden of the Marches, guiding the 
fierce Borderers, who were inured, from boyhood, to the strife and commo- 
tion of war. Next was another division from the central part of the Low- 
lands and from Forfarshire, north of the entrance to the Firth of Tay, 
under charge of John Earl of Crawford and William Earl of Montrose. 
The third, towards the east, being the main body, was commanded by the 
king himself, the principal men of the Church, and the nobility, with the 
gentry, many of whom fought like common soldiers, and the whole com- 
prised the very best and bravest warriors of Scotland. Eastward again, 
in front, was the extreme right wing of the Scottish army, strong in 
numbers, but consisting chiefly of undisciplined mountaineers from the 
west of Scotland and the Isles, led on by Matthew Earl of Lennox and 
Archibald Earl of Argyle. The last battalion, already alluded to, consisted 
chiefly of yeomen and others from the Lothians, with the burghers of 
the larger towns on the coast, under the guidance of Hepburn Earl of 
Bothwell. This was a division of reserve stationed to yield help where 
it was requisite, but more especially to wait upon and succour the king. 
Flags and pennons of every kind, more than could be counted, waved 
and fluttered in the wind ; and we may suppose that near the centre of 
the whole floated the royal banner of Scotland, borne by Sir Adam For- 
man, with the well known bearings upon it, chiefly in gold. But for all 
this display, the warriors who composed the army, knowing they ought 
not to have been there, grasped their weapons with a hesitating hand. 


It was not for Freedom, or to roll back the tide of Oppression, that they 
were about to join in battle. They had been led to the field by the 
king; but, actuated by no lofty or patriotic aim, they occupied their 
position more in self-defence, than with the stern determination to meet, 
and, if possible, to overcome their enemy. 

During the advance of the English, the smoke floating away to the 
north-west from the deserted camp, completely concealed the armies from 
each other. The day was now far spent, but Lord Howard's troops with 
his right and left wings, accompanied by the artillery, and directed on- 
ward by able guides, still led the way. Natural wood at that time 
skirted all the lower parts of the valley, at the bottom of which was a 
morass of considerable length, where the slender stream of Pallinsburn 
now flows, and when the Admiral with his forces crossed a small 
brook there named Sandyford, which a man might step over, the 
smoke had cleared away, and the divisions of the Scottish army, 
some square and some in the form of a wedge, were observed near 
at hand, with long spears and banners displayed, extending along 
the whole northern brow of the hill. Unable himself, with the forces 
he commanded, to encounter the foe with any reasonable hope of success, 
the admiral halted, and, taking the Agnus Dei which hung at his breast, 
he sent it to his father, with a request that in all haste he would ad- 
vance to the conflict. Speedily the Earl came up with the rearward, 
until the battalions, though within a bow- shot apart, were nearly in a 
line with each other, and then they moved together onward with their 
faces to the south, the artillery being still placed in due order before and 
between the columns. At length, on arriving within range, the guns 
on both sides opened fire. The Scottish cannon, standing on ground so 
high above the masses of men at whom they were pointed, and being 
without any support save their own weight in the recoil, shot over the 
heads of the English, doing little or no injury ; while those of England 
were discharged with such precision that the chief-gunner slew the mas- 
ter of the Scottish ordnance, beating off the men from their guns, and 
killing many in the ranks. When, however, the opposing squadrons 
successively approached and confronted each other closely, the firing was 
gradually discontinued. 

As the English advanced onward, circling the western base of Branx- 
ton hill, that they might enter into close battle, Sir Bryan Tunstall 
took up mould from the ground and put it into his mouth in token of his 
mortality. He was in the wing of the foreward under Sir Edmund 
Howard, and between four and five o'clock in the afternoon that leader's 
division, having ascended the western acclivity of the hill, was the first 


to encounter the left wing of the Scots led on by Huntley and Home. 
The attack of the Highlanders with swords and axes, and the Borderers 
with levelled spears, was fierce and terrific. The Marshall endeavoured, 
however, to withstand the onset bravely, and his exertions were ably sup- 
ported, but having under him a large number of men from Cheshire, who 
were jealous of the power of the Howards, and much attached to the house 
of Stanley, these with several from Lancashire and Yorkshire, when 
they were met by the Scots, unhappily turned their backs and fled, 
whereupon Tunstall was slain, and the other warriors, who formed the 
wing, were placed in the most imminent danger. They wavered for a 
time, but the valour of Scotland prevailed, for Sir Edmund Howard, 
though cased in complete steel, was three several times felled to the 
ground, his division was speedily put to flight, and many prisoners taken. 
This was performed almost in full view of both armies, while the Bastard 
Heron, though sore wounded, for the adjoining English and Scottish 
wings had already joined battle, came with his outlaws to the leader's 
rescue, and Lord Dacre, with his horse and bowmen, arrived in time to 
check the impetuosity of the Scots, killing several friends of Lord Home 
and others not, however, without injury to his own party, for his 
brother Sir Philip was taken prisoner and many of his adherents slain. 
"When the conflict began, the position of the King's- army was admira- 
ble, for he had an advantage highly essential to success in military evolu- 
tions, which great generals cannot always procure that of causing his 
enemy to fight him on ground of his own selection. Defective as his 
strength might be in point of numbers, had he remained where he was, 
maintaining his position, and making his battalions keep their place 
till encountered foot to foot by the foe then regulating their move- 
ments as occasion required every chance was in his favour for victory. 
But the great defect in his character, a blind and somewhat romantic 
attachment to what he conceived to be high honour and chivalric prin- 
ciples, again became apparent, and he imprudently threw away the 
privilege he held on a hazard of very doubtful issue. Possessing also, 
to a remarkable degree, the power of kindling those around him with 
his own heroic energy, he had the utmost confidence that every man 
under his sway would exert himself to the utmost for the honour of 
Scotland. Moreover, in his reply to Surrey, he had avowed his con- 
tempt for any advantage of ground : upon this he had acted on quitting 
Flodden, and now the English cannon galled his ranks, while his own 
artillery, deserted by the gunners, could not repay the enemy's fire with 
anything like effect. Having likewise witnessed the bravery of his left 
wing, headed by Huntley and the Chamberlain for the struggle there was 


yet undecided and obeying the impulse of his own sanguine tempera- 
ment, he dismounted from his horse, and commanding the chief nobility and 
gentry around him to do the same, he advanced with his division against 
the enemy. The next battalion, under Crawford and Montrose, and also 
that of Bothwell, accompanied him the former on his left being in ad- 
vance, and the latter partly behind to the right, still retaining its distance 
from his own. This lack of prudence on the part of the king for again 
he opposed the advice of his council amazed every one near him, and 
his steadiest friends regarded each other with perplexity, as if conscious 
they were wilfully throwing away their chance of victory. It was cus- 
tomary to meet an enemy in battle with the clang of trumpets, and the 
shouts of the slogans of the several leaders ; but in this instance, King 
James moved slowly down the front of Branxton hill with his battalions 
in perfect and regular order, as if intent only upon the desperate purpose 
before him, without making the slightest noise. 

When the Scottish warriors of the left wing were engaged with their 
opponents, the main division of the English fore ward, under Lord 
Thomas Howard, consisting, as has been said, of his mariners, the 
strength of Durham, and others of Northumberland, &c., was the next 
to join battle, near the foot of the hill, with the opposite battalion of 
Scots who descended before the king, under the Earls of Crawford and 
Montrose. Here the English considerably outnumbered the foe, and 
their large bills and axes were brought into terrible collision with the 
bristling lines of levelled spears handled by the Scottish soldiers. The 
men of Northumberland and Durham were more accustomed to the pres- 
sure of conflict than their enemies, who had been reared chiefly towards 
the centre of Scotland, and the struggle was most obstinate and bloody. 
The admiral was ultimately joined by his brother, Sir Edmund Howard, 
who, after his own men were scattered, and he himself escaped, drew 
off eastward to the main body of the foreward, and on his way met and 
killed Sir David Home. Lord Howard, in all probability, was also as- 
sisted by the warriors forming his left wing, under Sir Marmaduke 
Constable and his kinsmen, for our historians mention no body of Scots 
with whom the aged knight fought, but there can be no doubt that 
with his brave followers, he performed an active part in the battle, on 
behalf of his country. So fierce did the struggle continue, that the 
Scots at length perceived it was with great difficulty they could main- 
tain their ground. Gordon Earl of Huntly, and Lord Home, after dis- 
persing the English right wing, rendered at the time no further assist- 
ance to their neighbours, but remained aloof with their troops, as if to 
keep Lord Dacre in check, guarding the prisoners they had taken, and 
watching the progress of events in the field before them. 


Still farther east, the king's division, being chiefly tall goodly men, 
and all on foot, with long spears, had entered into battle with the front 
of the English rearward, commanded by the Earl of Surrey. In de- 
scending the hill, they were exposed to a tremendous shower of arrows 
from the English ranks, but as they generally wore plate armour, only 
a very few were wounded or slain. During their advance, the spearmen 
took the precaution to throw off their boots or shoes, and, thus disen- 
cumbered, acquitted themselves with the most heroic bravery. "When 
the spears failed, sternly" and silently they drew their large and sharp 
swords, and used them with terrible effect. The shock when both sides 
met was dreadful, for the Scots advancing fiercely with lines of serried 
spears, encountered an insurmountable barrier of large bills, wielded by 
powerful yeomen, which hewed them down, despite their panoply of 
steel, crashing buckler, helm, breastplate, and mail, with fearful strokes. 
Lances were cut asunder or struck aside, and blow after blow dashed 
the spearmen to the ground. Neither did the bravery of the English, 
nor the defensive armour they wore, sustain them unscathed in the heat 
of the encounter, for it is recorded that the northern spear was even 
more fatal than the southern axe and bill. Here was no shifting no 
attempt of a single soldier to fly but onward and forward came rank 
after rank, performing what man could achieve in terrible and most 
deadly conflict. 

It is said the troops composing the right wing of the Scottish army 
the Campbells, Macleans, and other hardy clans, upon the east side of 
the battle field, under the Earls of Lennox and Argyle who up to this 
time kept the hill, on perceiving before them how the central division, 
and that of Hepburn Earl of Bothwell, with the king and nobility, 
were engaged with Surrey's main battalion, attempted to succour their 
countrymen, but were instantly attacked by Sir Edward Stanley's 
archers of Cheshire and Lancashire, who were the last to enter into 
battle. The English of this division were numerous ; and the bowmen 
directing their long shafts with unerring force into the masses of High- 
landers and Islesmen on the slope above them, the ranks of the mount- 
aineers were broken, and they rushed down, axe and claymore in hand, 
upon their assailants, in spite of the peremptory orders of their com- 
manders and the earnest entreaties of La Motte, the ambassador of 
France. But the front of Stanley's force, consisting of a large propor- 
tion of bill-men, stood firm, repelling like a rock the ocean fury of the 
wild northmen. In this onset, as the Scots had few or no spears to 
defend themselves from cavalry, their confusion was increased by a 
sudden attack in flank of three companies of men-at-arms, who were 


watching an opportunity to assist their countrymen. By this unex- 
pected movement the courageous Highlanders were overthrown, and 
such as hewed a way through their opponents, dispersed and saved them- 
selves by escaping to the woods below. In accomplishing this successful 
measure, Stanley, with his brave yeomen, conscious of their superiority, 
advanced upward against the enemy, killing Argyle, Lennox, and La 
Motte, and overcoming every opposing obstacle till they reached the 
higher part of the hill. All this time the deadly strife between the divi- 
sions of King James and that of the Earl of Surrey continued unabated, 
whereupon Stanley, turning his forces round to the right, and advancing 
downward in a northern direction, passed over the place where the 
king's battle first commenced, and closed in upon the right flank of the 
Scots, who still kept their ground with most desperate resolution. 

The shadows of evening were now settling quietly down over hill 
and valley, while the Lord Admiral's men to the south-west were equally 
successful with those of Stanley in vanquishing their enemies and put- 
ting them to flight. The Scottish leaders, Montrose and Crawford, 
charging on foot to encourage their wavering ranks against superior 
numbers, fell under the English weapons. Few prisoners were taken, 
but many men were killed, and the whole were completely discomfited. 
Having thus cleared the ground before him, the admiral now turned 
round to the north-east, and, acting as if in concert with Stanley, charged 
the left side of the Scottish squadron, the warriors of which still held their 
place around the king. When the latter brave body of heroic men were 
previously joined by the reserve under the Earl of Bothwell, consisting of 
the Lothian yeomanry, such was the onslaught, that the standard of Sur- 
rey was in imminent danger of being either taken or beaten down. But 
now the English bill made great slaughter among the nobility of Scotland. 
It has been mentioned, that when Archibald Earl of Angus quitted the 
camp he left behind him his two eldest sons in token of his fidelity to the 
king. These were George Master of Angus and Sir William of Glenbervy, 
both of whom were slain. Among other instances, Robert Lord Keith 
and William de Keith, the eldest sons also of William Keith Earl of Mari- 
shall, fell in the conflict. 7 The Scots, however, fought like men who 

7 The standard of William Earl of Marishall, which is preserved in the Advocates' 
Library at Edinburgh, is almost the only relic of the battle which has escaped the 
ravages of time, and come down to our own day. The bearer of it was called Black 
John Skirving of Plewland Kill. Besides the property of that name, which lies in 
the parish of Humbie, East Lothian, he had four adjoining acres of the land of Keith 
Marishall, for carrying the standard. Skirving on perceiving the unhappy termina- 
tion of the fight for his own people, tore the flag from the staff, and concealed it about 
his person, before surrendering himself a prisoner to the conquerors. After his release, 
the relic remained in possession of his family for many generations, until a descend- 

VOL. in. 2 o 


had formed the resolution either to win the field, or yield up their lives 
for the cause of their king. Still the forces under the Earl of Surrey, 
despite the resolute attempts of Scottish prowess to break through their 
ranks, kept together, and firmly maintained their footing. So fierce in- 
deed was the encounter, that each party being aroused to vengeance by 
the "cruel fighting" of their opponents, no quarter was given on either 

From the time that Lord Home, with his Borderers united with Hunt- 
ley in repelling the forces of Sir Edmund Howard, he remained on the 
hill-side with his troops, without again entering into battle. Huntley, 
on perceiving how much his sovereign required assistance, prepared to 
render it, and asked Home to accompany him on that duty, when the 
latter observed, " the man does well this day who saves himself: we 
fought those who were opposed to us and beat them ; let our other com- 
panies do the same !" Huntley, however, not discouraged by this reply, 
attempted to succour the king, and closed again with the southern host, 
encountering, it is said, Stanley's division 8 ; but perceiving the gallant 
squadron who fought with King James completely surrounded by the 
English, and seeing his aid to be ineffectual in rescuing his countrymen, he 
withdrew his followers from the strife, and was one of the few leaders 
who was fortunate enough to escape. The struggle was now dreadful, 
for Lord Dacre, observing that Home's Borderers were not likely to give 
him annoyance, brought round his mounted array of lances, and 
charged the royal division in the rear, thus closing up to this loyal and 
devoted band of heroes all chance of escape. Still, it is placed on record 
by one of our most valuable English chroniclers, 9 that if at this period, 

ant, William Skirving, presented it to the noble institution above named. A copy of 
it is given in "Weber's edition of the old Poem of the Battle of Floddon Field, Edin- 
burgh, 1808. It is fringed all round, and appears to be of pale silk, blanched by 
time, -with the motto " VEEITAS VINCIT," and three stags' heads erased upon it in black. 
In length it is about four feet four inches, one foot six inches in depth at the staff end, 
and swallow-tailed, with the opening about ten inches up the standard. 

8 "Weber, in his notes to the old Poem already mentioned, says that Huntley's 
standard was taken by a leader alluded to in a previous page Sir William Molyneux, 
whose hall in Cheshire was long graced by the martial trophy. A drawing of it was 
made by the heralds in the time of Elizabeth, which is now deposited in the Heralds' 
College, and a copy is supplied in Weber's volume. That author observes the figures 
thereon, consisting of a hawk, a stag and hound, with ships, represent Huntley's 
armorial coat, with the motto, " Clarne tot" otherwise " Let all repair to this pen- 
non." There is doubt of such a standard being taken, but the bearings thereon are 
not those of Huntley. That earl's arms were the same as those of his father, the 
second earl, namely : Quarterly ; first, azure, three boars' heads couped or, for 
Gordon ; second, or, three lions' heads erased gules, for Badenoch ; third, or, three 
crescents within a double tressure flowered and counterflowered gules, for Seaton ; 
fourth, azure, three cinquefoils argent, for Fraser ; crest, on a helmet with mantlings, 
a stag's head. 

. 9 Hollinshead's History of Scotland, ed. 1585, p. 301. 


Home, and the remainder of the king's army, had assailed the English, 
who were now all collected together, "victory had undoubtedly rested 
with the Scots." We hare thereby proof that the strength of England 
was almost exhausted, and her warriors knew this so well that after- 
wards they " confessed themselves bound to God for their safety and 
deliverance out of that danger." All hope for Scotland being thus 
thrown away, night advanced as if to extend her dusky mantle over the 
battle field, in compassion for the appalling waste thereon of human life. 
The carnage was indeed awful, for the archers continued to pour into the 
centre their arrowy showers, and the bill-men plied their terrible blades 
upon the Scots with a force and dexterity that no armour could with- 
stand. According to the vivid lines in Marmion : 

" The English shafts in volleys hail'd, 
In headlong charge their horse assail" d , 
Front, flank, and rear, the squadrons sweep 
To break the Scottish circle deep, 

That fought around their king. 
But yet, though thick the shafts as snow, 
Though charging knights like whirlwinds go, 
Though bill-men ply the ghastly blow, 

Unbroken was the ring ; 
The stubborn spearmen still made good 
Their dark impenetrable wood, 
Each stepping where his comrade stood, 

The instant that he fell. 
No thought was there of dastard flight ; 
Link'd in the serried phalanx tight, 
Groom fought like noble, squire like knight, 

As fearlessly and well ; 
Till utter darkness closed her wing 
O'er their thin host and wounded King. 
Then skilful Surrey's sage command 
Led back from strife his shatter' d bands ; 

And from the charge they drew, 
As mountain-waves from wasted lands 

Sweep back^to ocean blue. 
Then did their loss his foemen know ; 
Their Bang, their Lords, their mightiest low, 
They melted from the field as snow, 
When streams are swoln and south winds blow, 

Dissolves in silent dew. 
Tweed's echoes heard the ceaseless plash, 

While many a broken band, 
Dissorder'd though her currents dash, 

To gain the Scottish land 


To town and tower, to down and dale, 
To tell red Flodden's dismal tale, 
And raise the universal wail. 
Tradition, legend, tune, and song, 
Shall many an age that wail prolong ; 
Still from the sire the son shall hear 
Of the sad strife, and carnage drear, 

Of Flodden's fatal field, 
Where shiver* d was fair Scotland's spear, 

And broken was her shield !" 

North of Crookham. West Field, adjoining a fence, and within a short 
arrow-flight from the road, on a gentle elevation, stands an upright 
block of unhewn stone upwards of a yard in diameter, and nearly seven 
feet high. Some writers say that the Earl of Surrey caused this stone 
to be set up as a memorial that the battle was won ; but there is a pro- 
bability that it stood in its present position previous to the sixteenth 
century, and that it had been used as a gathering point to tbe forces of 
England, 10 when they were about to cross the march and waste the 
Scottish Borders. If so, it is not unlikely that Surrey passed it on his 
way to battle, and to this spot in the twilight, the aged leader, who was 
still uncertain of the result of the deadly conflict, withdrew the remain- 
der of his wearied forces to remain till the morning. But amid the dead 
and dying it being an awful night for thousands the thieves of Tyndale 
and Teviotdale, with other Borderers, continued to pursue their avocation 
with great alacrity, spoiling the slain over the whole field, rifling the 
contents of the pavilions, and taking away horses in vast numbers 
wherever they were found. Almost every one spoke evil of Lord Home, 
who, for the manner in which he had conducted himself towards the 

10 It answered this purpose thirty -two years after the battle of Flodden, and was 
called " The Standing Stone on Crookham Moor," though in the present day it is 
named " The King's Stoue." In " A Contemporary Account of the Earl of Hert- 
ford's Second Expedition to Scotland, and of the Ravages committed by the English 
Forces in September, 1545," from a manuscript in Trinity College Library, Dublin, 
edited by David Laing, Esq., F.S.A. Scot., and printed in the Transactions of the 
Society of which he is so valuable a member, vol. i. pp. 272-3, the following passage 
occurs : 

"The Erie of Harford departhit from Nywcastell the 5 day of Settember; and all 
his armey had a day a pointit to mytte att the Stannyngston* vpon Crocke a More,f 
the 8 day of thes present, & all the caryadge and orderiannce and monyssion : and so 
the dyd : the said Erie rod from Nywcastell to Anwicke a Satherday, and their he rest 
Sonday ; and a Monday to Cheidyngham ;J and a Tywsseday to the forsaid Ston on 
Crackamowre, and past fart r || a myll, and their campet ; and a Wenesday past by 
"Warke, and so a longs the water in iij batelles, and so past the furd w* the foreward 
and the most part of the battaill and their ordenannce." 

Standingstone. J Crookham Moor. J Chillingham. 

|| further. companies, battalions. 


close of the battle, and in bringing off unscathed a very large number 
of his followers, was regarded as a traitor to his country. 

When the light of day came, the Earl of Surrey ascertained that the 
chief portion of the Scottish army who survived, conscious of their loss, 
had abandoned the field. But a number of them appearing on a hill, 
and endangering the safety of Lord Howard, who was near, Sir "William. 
Blacknall ordered some of the artillery to be discharged upon them, 
when they departed. Surrey now gave thanks to God for the success 
of the arms of England; 11 and calling around him such of his principal 
leaders as had distinguished themselves, he created forty knights, among 
whom were his own son, Sir Edmund Howard, Lord Scrope of Upsal, 
Sir William Percy, Sir Christopher Dacre, Sir Marmaduke Constable 
the younger, Sir George Darcy, Sir William Gascoigne the younger, 
Sir John Stanley, Sir Bryan Stapleton, Sir Ralph Bowes of Streatlam, 
Sir Roger of Fenwick, Sir George Grey of Horton, Sir Thomas Conyers, 
the Lord Ogle, and the Lord Lumley. Then he appointed Sir Philip 
Tylney, the company of the Admiral, the retinue of Lord Scrope of 
Bolton, the Lord Latimer, Sir Marmaduke Constable, Sir William 
Percy, Sir Nicholas Appleyard, and their companies, to keep the field, 
that the artillery of Scotland might be preserved, and the whole number 
of pieces were conveyed, by Lord Dacre' s assistance, to the castle of Etal. 
An account of the battle was then written in French, either by Lord 
Thomas Howard, or probably under his directions, and sent to the King 
of England. The chief men who contributed to earn the victory, now 
prepared to return home. Surrey had received instructions from his 
royal master to act only on the defensive against Scotland, but he had 
another cause for not wounding her deeper by more effusion of blood. 
No arrangement had been made for victualling his forces, and besides, 
they were so reduced as to be incapable of bestowing upon her any great 

11 For his good fortune in gaining the victory, Surrey was created Duke of Norfolk 
on the 1st Feb. 1514. On the bend which appeared in the Howard arms was added 
an augmentation of the upper part of a red lion, depicted in the same way as that in 
the arms of Scotland, and pierced through the mouth with an arrow. Hollinshead 
mentions also, that after the fight at Flodden, the earl gave to his servants the cog- 
nizance of the white lion (descended to him from the Mowbrays) standing over the 
red lion of Scotland, and tearing it with his paws. This they were to wear on their 
left arms. He died in 1524. His son and heir, Lord Thomas the Admiral, suc- 
ceeded him in the earldom of Surrey, and on Norfolk's disease, he came also to thu 
dukedom. Towards the close of his days he was unfortunate, for being attainted in 
1546, and condemned to suffer death, his life was saved by Henry VIII. dying on 
the night previous to the time appointed for his execution. He was restored again to 
bis honours in 1553, but died in the following year. His son and heir, Henry 
Howard Earl of Surrey, the poet a gentle branch from such an austere stock was 
also attainted and beheaded in 1547. The son and heir, again, of the poet, was re- 
stored in blood and honours in 1553, and succeeded to his grandfather's dignities in 
1554, but was also attainted and beheaded in 1572, when his honours were forfeited. 


additional amount of punishment. A great many horses were secured, 
and on searching the field, large quantities of provisions, consisting of 
wine, ale, beef, mutton, cheese, &c., were found in the Scottish camp. 

Among the slain, on the side of Scotland, was a natural son of King 
James, an amiable young man, who was Archbishop of St. Andrews, 
with two bishops, two abbots, one dean, thirteen earls, fifteen lords and 
chiefs of clans, with La Hotte the French Ambassador, who at the time 
was secretary to the King. The gentry who fell were numerous ; for 
almost every family in the kingdom mourned the loss of one or two of 
its members, while in some instances the father and every son he had 
were killed. 12 The common people who were slain might number about 
eight thousand ; but of this we have no positive proof, for all the bodies, 
both English and Scots, were entirely stripped of their apparel, and 
save for the beard, which the latter usually wore, and which was also, 
we may suppose, worn by many of the English people, those of one 
nation might readily be taken for those of another. The English might 
havo, upwards of five thousand killed, for the Scots fought with the ut- 
most desperation even to the last, and it is generally admitted that the 
loss was heavy ; but the honour of the victory made it be less felt, and 
the number slain, with few exceptions, consisted of the middle and lower 
classes. This proves most conclusively that those of the higher ranks 
had not exposed themselves much to the Scottish axe or spear, and that 
though the weather had been most unfavourable for the use of the long 
bow, yet the archers, the artillerymen, and especially the bill -men, had 
performed no mean part in securing the triumph of England. 

The probability is, that King James lost his life on the battle field," 
only it may be allowed us to examine the evidence given by our 
chroniclers in support of that event. Nearly all agree that when he 
saw his standard-bearer, Sir Adam Forman, fall, disdaining captivity, 
he pressed forward into the enemy's lines and was slain. On the day 
after the battle Lord Dacre discovered his body, surrounded by those of 
the nobility and others who had fallen near him, at about a spear's 
length from where the Earl of Surrey had stood. Several deadly 
wounds were inflicted thereon, especially one by an arrow, and another 

12 It is said that Andrew Pitcairn of Pitcairn, -with seven sons, -went to the battle, 
where they -were all slain. One son, either born afterwards, or a child at the time, 
continued the family. The widow and boy, owing to the severity of the times, were 
turned out of possession of the inheritance, but James V. granted a charter, restoring 
her to her jointure, and the heir to his estate, mentioning that Pitcairn and seven sons 
fell at Flodden, fighting valiantly for his royal father. 

13 He left an infant son below two years of age, and from this scion of royalty we 
trace the descent of our own illustrious Queen. 


by a bill which had opened the neck to the middle, while the left hand 
was almost cut off in two places. Surrey, they say, sent the Queen of 
England a piece of the coat-armour of the king ; again, the body was 
recognised at Berwick by Sir William Scott, Chancellor of Scotland, and 
Sir John Forman, the King's sergeant-porter, both of whom were taken 
prisoners. In opposition to these statements it may be observed, that 
several officers, by the king's command, were arrayed similar to himself, 
and Lord Elphinston resembled him in personal appearance very much ; 
that it would be difficult to prove the body was found within a spear's 
length from the Earl of Surrey, when the latter could not possibly be 
stationary on the field ; that Lord Dacre may have been mistaken, and 
the prisoners, apart from conviction, might have a motive for what they 
said ; and also, that though a dispensation from the Pope was obtained 
for the burial of King James in consecrated ground, that service was 
never performed," shewing as if doubts had arisen at head -quarters of 
the body being that of the King. Moreover, from a State paper, dated 
June 23, 1525, we learn that the Queen, who wished to be divorced 
from the Earl of Angus, her second husband, observed, " she was mar- 
ried to the said earl, the King of Scots her husband being alive, and 
that same King was living three years after the field of Flodden." The 
iron chain which the King is said to have constantly worn, in remorse 
for his share in the death of his father, could not be produced by the 
English. In the College of Arms at London are deposited the sword and 
dagger which are said to have belonged to him, having been gifted to 
that institution by the Earl of Surrey himself. Are they the genuine 
weapons of James IV. of Scotland, and can undoubted proof of such a 
present be established ? 1S 

14 Stowe's own words on this historical episode, are valuable. They are supplied 
from his Survey of London, 1618, p. 539. 

" After the battle the bodie of the said king, being found, was closed in lead, and 
conveyed from thence to London, and to the monasterie of Sheyne, in Surry, where 
it remained for a time, in what order I am not certaine ; but, since the dissolution of 
that house, in the reign of Edward VI., Henry Gray, Duke of Norfolke, being lodged, 
and keeping house there, I have been shewed the same bodie, so lapped in lead, close 
to the head and bodie, throwne into a waste room, amongst the old timber, lead, and 
other rubble. Since the which time, workmen there, for their foolish pleasure, hewed 
off his head ; and Lancelot Young, master glazier to the Queen Elizabeth, feeling a 
sweet savour to come from thence, and seeing the same dried from all moisture, and 
yet the form remaining, with haire of the head, and beard red, brought it to London, 
to his house in "Wood-street, where, for a time, he kept it, for its sweetness, but in the 
end, caused the sexton of that church (St Michael's, Wood-street) to bury it amongst 
other bones taken out of their charnel." 

15 Many of the people of Scotland would not believe the king was slain, but deemed 
he escaped, and that he was gone on a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, to atone for the 
part he took in the death of his father, and his own errors. Others insisted that he 
was seen alive, near Kelso, on the close of the day of battle, and a whisper prevailed 


This was called the Battle of Flodden by the Scots, from their camp 
being a few days on that prominent position, and that of Branxton 
moor by the English, from having been fought to the south, near that 
village. As no memorial has been set up to mark the battle field, it 
seems desirable to glance over such evidence on this subject, as may en- 
able us to ascertain the locality with some approximation to truth. By 
the tent shewn on Speed's Map of Northumberland, published in 1610, 
also by that of Blaeu, in 1646, who copied the former, and by several 
modern plans of the battle, we would suppose it had been stricken near 
to the farm-stead of Mardon. But by a most careful perusal of several 
original accounts of the battle by Hall and other early writers, 18 also by 
recent discoveries, and likewise by personal examination of the ground, 
ample authority exists for saying the general onslaught must have been 
made considerably to the west of that place. Our best historians agree 
that the king, making downward, encountered the English near the foot 
of the hill called Branxton. In the churchyard of that village, under 
the footpath, large quantites of bones, including those of horses, were 
discovered about a foot below the surface. On the low marshy ground 
near the source of Pallinsburn, a cannon ball of lead, weighing above 
thirteen pounds was found, and another of the same material was dug 
up west of Branxton hill. One of iron was also ploughed up near the 

that he -was murdered by a servant of the Lord Home On the popular impression of 
this circumstance, I am indebted to my friend Mr. William Brockie, of South Shields, 
for the following particulars : 

" THE KING'S GRAVE. A correspondent of the Kelso Chronicle, referring, in 1851, 
to a tradition he had heard his father and other aged people about Sprouston tell, in 
his youth, of a skeleton, found in the Berry Moss, near Kelso, with a gold chain 
about it, with links corresponding in number to the years of King James IV.'s age, 
mentions also a circumstance which he says had been related to him, about forty years 
before, by a very respectable farmer who lived in the immediate vicinity of Hume 
Castle. He goes on to say : ' Stitchell and Hume are conjoined parishes. The 
church of the latter is in ruins, but the churchyard still remains, and is still used as a 
place of interment. One day, when passing, my informant pointsd to a small mound, 
which was called the King's Grave, or that of some distinguished person. It was 
customary, he said, from time immemorial, when a funeral entered the churchyard, 
to walk in procession round this grave, and return to the spot where the dead was to 
be buried, in whatever part of the churchyard that might be. One cold and stormy 
winter day, the procession was objected to by some of the parties in attendance, and 
from that time the practice was discontinued.' ' Might not,' he asks, ' the skeleton 
found in the Berry Moss, have been interred there, and hence the origin of this mark 
of reverence to the grave of royalty ?' " 

16 Lingard, in his History, fifth edition, 1849, iv. 371, enumerates four contempo- 
rary and detailed accounts of the battle. "One is by Hall, xlii. ; a second equally 
minute but more elegant, by Giovio, the Italian Historian, 1. xxi. f. 102 ; a third, 
formerly alluded to, by Lord Thomas Howard, preserved in the Heralds' Office, and 
published in Pinkerton's History, ii. App. 456 ; and a fourth printed by Gait, in the 
Appendix to his Life of Wolsey, p. 1." The last is the tract of four leaves mentioned 
in a preceding page. A letter from Queen Catherine to King Henry VIII., written 
after the battle, is printed in Ellis's Letters, First Series, i., 88. 


church, and the sizes of all correspond to what we may conceive the 
calibre of guns would be in the early part of the sixteenth century. 
A French gold coin, dated about 1530, was turned up a few years ago 
on the undulating ground west of Branxton, lost probably by some pil- 
grim of France visiting the place where so much of Scotland's blood was 
shed by way of serving that kingdom. But the most convincing proof of 
the battle having been fought there, is that, about forty years ago, Mr. 
Andrew Eankin, a churchwarden of the parish, while in the act of cutting 
a drain through some mossy ground, near the western base of Branxton 
hill, opened a large pit of human bones at nearly three and a half feet 
below the surface. The direction of the drain lay from east to west, 
and the pit was several yards wide, but how far it extended from north 
to south, Mr. Rankin neglected to ascertain. Keeping these several mat- 
ters in view, the probability is, that King James occupied, with the five 
divisions of his army, the whole northern front of the hill, his left 
wing extending to a small ravine, which descends to the north-west, 
and his right division reaching east of the road which leads from Branx- 
ton over the ridge to Flodden. Pallinsburn, at that time, almost from 
its source down to near Crookham, flowed through a bog or morass, and 
from the rain which fell previous to the battle, this would likely be 
under water ; consequently, the chief portion of the army of England, in 
all probability, passed the valley near the source of that brook. The re- 
mainder might pass lower down, either by what was called " Branx Brig,"" 
a little to the north of Mardon, or near to Crookham, in which case 
they would join their countrymen at Branxton, which was formerly much 
larger than it is at present. Again, during the two or three hours when the 
battle was fought, a large number of horses, many tents and much baggage 
remained probably in and about the village. At a short distance to the 
south-west is a hill of moderate dimensions, a desirable spot for Surrey to 
occupy, which in former times may have been resorted to in the summer 
evenings by the piper of the place, who likely had his croft there ; and if 
by the faint echo of some old tradition we could learn that the spot was 
once known as "Pipard Hill," such intelligence might enable the_ 
modern pilgrim to identify the spot where Scotland's King, after nobly 
bearing himself, weapon in hand, against opposing hosts, was slain. 
From this elevation, lines ranging to the east and the south-west, taking 
in the whole lower parts of Branxton hill, will circumscribe nearly the 

17 If this bridge was erected at the period -when the battle was fought, it may have 
been that which the chief gunner of Scotland wished to destroy, as the English were 
passing over it, hut was prevented by the king. Our historians who mention the in- 
cident only they are evidently in error say it was the bridge over Till. 

VOL. in, 2 H 


ground whereon the battle was fought. An attempt by a fugitive body 
of Scots, either to strike a last blow upon the enemy, or to avail them- 
selves of horses or spoil, in the open churchyard, where they would 
meet with opposition, will account for the quantity of bones found 
there. Other deposits of similar kind may yet be discovered, which 
will tend to fix the limits of the contest more accurately ; but we may 
be assured that many who fell at no great distance from Branxton 
would likewise obtain Christian burial in its hallowed churchyard. 

This was the greatest, the last, and the most decisive battle ever 
stricken on the Borders. England, though her loss was great, obtained 
thereby an ascendancy over her rival which stayed the contention of 
arms, and evinced she would not submit to be injured with impunity. 
To Scotland it was a most stunning and dreadful blow. The first of 
her clergy, nobility, and gentry, with the very best of her warriors, all 
yielded up their lives for the martial display and chivalric bearing of 
their gallant and beloved King. When the sad tidings reached city, 
town, and village, shrieks and outpourings of female anguish from pa- 
lace, hall, bower, and cottage, were heard in every direction. Wives 
were made widows mothers lost their sons sisters were left brother- 
lessmaids were bereaved of their lovers and grief preying upon affec- 
tionate and susceptible hearts, would bring many a fair face to the 
grave, ere the following spring clothed the earth with beauty. It was 
not till nearly two succeeding generations passed away that Scotland 
regained her wonted cheerfulness; and even a century afterwards, 
when the direct descendant of the monarch, who lost all at Flodden, oc- 
cupied the English throne, the story of that field woeful as " The Dead 
March" in Saul was listened to with regret. Later still, the mourn- 
ful theme was taken up by her national bards, who instinctively tuned 
their harps to the tone of popular feeling ; and the strains they have 
sung of that great disaster, accompanied by Tradition's wild but welcome 
tongue, will continue to be prized, while tenderness and heroic energy 
find an echo in the bosoms of her people. 


Christmas Eve, 1848. 




WHEN the Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle-upon-Tyne met at 
Flodden Field, on Tuesday the 27th July, 1858, they received much 
attention from the Rev. Robert Jones of Branxton, to whom their best 
thanks were subsequently awarded. At that meeting it was suggested 
that a stone ought to be set up near the spot where Mr. Rankin disco- 
vered the pit of bones, and to Mr. Jones the Society are obliged for 
having respectfully made known the circumstance to John Collingwood, 
Esq., the proprietor of the ground, who in the most liberal manner un- 
dertook to erect, at his own expense, a memorial on the spot, to com- 
memorate the solitary grave of so many of the Flodden heroes. To Mr. 
Jones also the writer is indebted for an original draught of the map, 
whence that which accompanies the foregoing paper has been reduced 
and engraved. By residing almost upon the battle field, and being well 
acquainted with the whole district, Mr. Jones has likewise been enabled 
to collect information from the aged people in the neighbourhood re- 
specting the battle, and the probable way through which the English 
army advanced to the field, which he freely communicated, and of 
which some use has been made in the previous paper. On this 
subject, or any other connected with the history of the battle, as the 
writer has no theory to support, and no other aim than the elucidation 
of truth, he considers it an act of justice to his readers to lay before 
them the observations of that gentleman at length, reserving to himself 
the exercise of his own deliberate judgment. All the light which can 
be thrown upon a celebrated event in history is acceptable ; hence the 
communication forms an appropriate accompaniment to what has been 
already related. 

"Branxton Vicarage, 6th Vr.v. 
" MT DEAR SIR, Since sending you a plan of the Battle Field of Flodden, I have 
made all the research I possibly could for information respecting the advance of Sur- 
rey's army, after crossing the Till at Twizel Bridge and Heaton Ford. I have in- 
spected the ground he would have to march over, and have made all the enquiry I 
could from the oldest people in my parish, who have resided therein from infancy, 
and whose ancestors for generations past, have heen brought up in the immediate 
neighbourhood of Flodden Field. The result of this research and enquiry, I now 
feel great pleasure in submitting for your perusal, and I trust approval, being fully 
persuaded that any information I could give on the subject you are at present so laud- 
ably engaged in, will be acceptably and friendly received. 


" Mr. Rankin, my churchwarden, the old man you saw when the Newcastle An- 
tiquarian Society visited the field last summer, has given me some very important 
information, and which may elucidate a very important fact relative to the approach 
to Branxton of one part of Surrey's army, which crossed the Ford at Heaton Mill. 
I have in my map traced the small hum called Pallinsburn, situated to the north of 
my parish, which runs to the south of Crookham, and empties itself into the Till a 
little helow that village. I am firmly persuaded that the source of this hum, at the 
time of the battle, took its rise from a very swampy part of land, which is called the 
hog, and which extended from the road leading to Coldstream to the foot of the hill, 
by the Blue Bell, a distance of rather more than a mile. This bog was impassable in 
many parts when I first came to reside in the parish, and even at this time, after a 
heavy continued fall of rain, and a rapid thaw of snow, is covered with water for a 
considerable distance on the eastern end : but within these eight or ten years it has 
been thoroughly drained, and now bears in all parts, and produces luxuriant grass. 
There can be no doubt from the formation of the elevated ground on either side of 
the bog, and, also at the two ends, that the whole of this land would be under water 
when the battle was fought, and for years after. In many places it is more than two 
hundred yards in breadth, but near the centre there is a slight elevation extending 
southward, which would naturally divide the bog of water into two parts. At this 
place, in Mr. Eankin's young days, there was a small narrow rude bridge, which went 
by the name of ' Branx Brig,' and which was always pointed out by the old people 
as the bridge over which part of the English army crossed when marching to Flodden 

" Now fill this tract of low land with water, and you have a substantial reason for 
part of the army deviating to the left, and crossing the burn at Sandy Ford, and on 
no other supposition, can a reason be given, why they should have departed from 
their direct line of march, unless the low ground to the south-east of the Blue Bell 
was impassable from its vicinity to the bog, which would, from the constant flow of 
water, render it completely unfit for the transit of a large body of men and horse, 
hastening with all possible speed to take up their position on Windylaw, and about 
the village of Branxton. 


" Opposite the formidable array of England's force, stood the Scottish army on the 
ridge of Branxton, waiting the approach of Surrey's army to commence the dreadful 
onslaught. To the extreme left, on the sloping part of Branxton Hill, looking to- 
wards Wark Castle, Home Castle, and Coldstream, were drawn up the wild and un- 
disciplined Highlanders and stout Borderers under Huntley and Lord Home : to the 
right of these, looking north, those troops under Crawford and Montrose : a little fur- 
ther east the ehivalric king, with many of his nobles, and best and bravest blood of 
Scotland ; on his right, on the gentle slope of the eastern end of Branxton Ridge, was 
the right wing, iinder Lennox and Argyle, and the reserve, under Bothwell, a little to 
the south-east of the king's troops. In this position stood the contending armies, op- 
posite each other, before the battle began one elevated considerably above his 
opponent, and commanding one of the most splendid views in the country, looking 
over the greater part of Berwickshire and Roxburghshire, and even extending beyond 
the hilly county of Selkirkshire. "With this beautiful landscape before them to the 
far west and north-west, and the English army below them, preparing for the bloody 
fray that was on the eve of commencement, thousands of the brave men of Scotland, 
together with their beloved king, viewed for the last time the country that gave them 
birth, and which was shortly to weep and mourn over the death of so many of her 
hardy and heroic sons. 

" The commanding position occupied by the Scotch army on the heights of Branx- 
ton, gave them great advantage over that of their enemy ; and although King James 
is blamed for abandoning his camp on Flodden Hill, yet, he must be considered by 
all who walk over the ground, and think for themselves, as having displayed good 
generalship in making choice of such a position, especially when he knew that Sur- 
rey was marching his army from Barmoor Common, with the determined intention 
of cutting him off from Scotland, by forcing him to battle, or with the view of plun- 
dering his kingdom. 

" That part of Surrey's army which crossed the bridge at Twizel, and which was 


composed of the greater number of his troops, together with the heavy artillery, would, 
we may suppose, march directly on the road leading to Cornhill, and then turn on the 
Wooler road, instead of crossing by New Heaton to make a junction with that part 
which had forded the Till at Heaton Mill. The distance from Twizel Bridge to 
Branxton Church, by Cornhill, would be little more than five miles, and the road 
would be firm and passable. Three hundred years ago, the land by New Heaton 
would in some places be a mere rushy, swampy morass, besides being in many parts 
rough and uneven. This would tend greatly to retard rathsr than facilitate the hur 
ried march of eighteen or twenty thousand men, encumbered with baggage and am- 
munition. To make good this supposition, we must carry our thoughts back to Sept. 
9th, 1513, and not plan the battle field, and the march of thirty thousand men, as 
having taken place a few years since. Indeed, it will require no very formidable 
stretch of research to find out what lands have been made dry, what bogs and swamps 
have been drained off, within the memory of this present generation. 

" Allowing these reasons to be not only feasible but probable, I place the junction 
of the two divisions that crossed the Till, at Twizel, and Heaton, as having taken place 
at Branxton, for the pool of water covering the bog, through which the small stream 
of Pallinsburn now runs, would be passed by the division that had crossed the bridge 
at Twizel on the west end, much about the same time as the troops which had passed 
the Heaton Ford, would be tramping over Branx Brig and Sandy Ford on the east 
end. The troops passing the west end would march immediately over the rising 
ground at this place, and on the low ground by Branxton Buildings, and form their 
positions under their different commanders a little to the south of the village, which 
I believe in those days extended considerably to the east and west of the church. A 
cannon ball weighing 13|lbs, now in the possession of Watson Askew, Esq., Pallins- 
burn House, was found a few years since when draining the upper or west end of the 
bog. May not this shot have been fired, when the right division was marching in the 
direction of Branxton, immediately after leaving the Wooler Road ? Another ball in 
the possession of John Collingwood, Esq., Cornhill House, was dug up since my re- 
sidence in the parish, near to the spot where such a number of bones were found about 
forty years ago by Mr. Rankin, when draining that part of the land, close to the 
ground taken up by the right wing under Ed. Howard, Both these balls are lead. I 
have an iron ball in my possession picked up by a man ploughing below the hill, 
nearly opposite the church. I may also mention here, that when widening the path 
to the church door, about nine years ago, we came on a deposit of bones close to the 
surface. I counted several sculls within the space of a yard square heaped, one on 
another. I can give no reason for these bones being found in such a position, unless 
we consider them as the remains of some of the men who fell in the village, and 
about the church, when the battle was fought, hurriedly collected together and buried 
in a hole, dug for that purpose, that they might rest in consecrated ground. My 
churchyard is exceedingly dry. 

" I apologize for this short digression, and shall now proceed with my narrative. 
When marching from Cornhill the van guard under Lord Thos. Howard, his brother, 
and Sir Mar. Constable, which I will now call the right division, would first come in 
view of the Scotch army on the heights of Branxton Hill, a little more then a mile 
from Cornhill, on the Coldstream and Wooler road : the left division or rear guard 
under the command of the Earl of Surrey, and Sir Edw. Stanley, which crossed at 
Heaton Ford, would be in full ken of the Scotch force a short time before passing 
' Branx Brig ' and Sandy Ford, which, as I have mentioned before, lies a little to 
the south-east of Crookham. 

"What I want, is to assign good and solid grounds for the proposition I now ad- 
vance. I am well aware that no mention is made of these circumstances by any 
historian ; but, I am also convinced that no one possitively contradicts them. After 
the English army had passed the bridge at Twizel, and the ford at Heaton, we are 
left to draw our own conclusions of the route each division took on its march to 
Flodden, with the exception of that part of the army which crossed at Sandy Ford. 
Surrey, we know from history, was most anxious to meet the king in battle, and there 
is not the least doubt but that he dreaded, with trembling and suspicious fear, his 
retreat over the Tweed into Scotland. Would not these reasons shew sufficient cause 
for the van guard to have orders to march as close as possible to the banks of the 


Tweed, especially as we know, that in those days, and for a long period afterwards, 
that there were two fords hy Coldstream, one at the mouth of the Leet, mentioned 
in Marmion, and through which General Monk passed his army on his march to 
London, soon after Cromwell's death, the other a little helow Lennel. He knew that 
King James occupied the ground on Flodden Hill on the 8th Sept., the day previous 
to the battle, but during his march from Barmoor, where he encamped for that night, 
he was quite uncertain whether the Scotch army might not have been in full retreat 
for Scotland across these fords. Had this been the case, he would by marching the 
right division this way, have had a good opportunity of cutting off the rear, if not the 
whole of the Scotch army, and instead of fighting the king on Flodden Field, he would 
have fought him at Cornhill, or somewhere near that neighbourhood. Only let us 
suppose that these were Surrey's thoughts, and we have a good reason for his crossing 
the ford at Heaton, viz., that he might, by a quick march, come in sight of the camp 
at Flodden, and ascertain whether the king was there or not. Had the latter been 
the case, he could have pursued him along the road to Coldstream, and joined the van 
guard without much loss of time, or had King James's army been retreating to Scot- 
land, he might have been hemmed in between these two divisions, and a slaughter 
equal, if not greater, then that on Flodden Field, have taken place. 

"InPitscottie's account of the battle of Flodden, published in 1728, we have no men- 
tion made of Sandy Ford, or in what manner the two divisions marched after passing 
the Till. In Hall's account of the battle, published in 1548, Sandy Ford is cer- 
tainly spoken of ' as a small brook about a man's step over,' but he does not mention 
the junction of the two armies as having taken place before coming on the field of 
battle. In one place, he says ' wherefore the said king causing his tents to be re- 
moved to another hill in great haste,' which must have meant Branxton Hill. The 
position which he took up on this hill, shews I think, that he was expecting those 
forces that had crossed the bridge at Twizel to march on Flodden by way of Cornhill, 
and to pass by the west end of Pallinsburn bog. 

" In a note appended to Hall's account of the battle, it is mentioned : ' The 
English army, while on the march, formed two large bodies, the foreward and the 
rear, commanded by the Lord Admiral and his father. Each division had two wings, 
viz., the Lord Admiral, on the right Sir Edmund Howard, and on his left Sir Mar- 
maduke Constable : the Earl of Surrey, on the right Lord Dacre, and on the left Sir 
Edward Stanley. The attack seems to have been led on in the same order ; though 
after the Lord Admiral requested his father's aid, the rear advanced, and left the fore- 
ward under the Lord Admiral to the right. Lord Dacre, however, kept his situation, 
which during the march was immediately behind Sir Ed. Howard ; whence he and, 
under his orders, Bastard Heron, were enabled to relieve Sir Edmund when discom- 
fitted by Home. We are not so clear where Sir Marmaduke Constable fought, and 
whether his corps was joined to that of the admiral, or of Sir Edward Stanley. The 
former is more probable ; though as his body formed, during the march, as it were 
the van of Sir Edward, the latter supposition is by no means impossible. It was 
principally the difference between the order of marching, and that of the battle, which 
has confused the historians so much.' 

" Now from this note, but more in particular from the nature and condition of the 
ground at the time of the battle, I assume that the two divisions, under their respec- 
tive commanders, after passing the Till, kept entirely separate till they had formed in 
position to the south of the village of Branxton. King James had been warned of 
Surrey's having passed the bridge at Twizel, and he hastened to occupy the ridge of 
Branxton Hill, in the full expectation, we may presume, of seeing the English ad- 
vance on him by that route, which would cut him off from his own country. 18 The 

18 Sir "Walter Scott, in his Marmion, when describing the pass of the English army 
over the bridge at Twizel, seems to be of this opinion, for he could scarcely use the 
words he does, if the foreward had marched by Heaton, instead of the banks of the 
Tweed. In the former case, the king would have been between Surrey and Scotland, 
for Branxton Hill is considerably nearer the Tweed than Sandy Ford, and the king, 
had he wished to escape, might have done so without much peril. 

" And why stands Scotland idly now, 
Dark Flodden ! on thy airy brow, 


different accounts are most perplexing and contradictory in many of their details , 
and it requires us to carry back our thoughts to the olden days of the beginning of 
the sixteenth century, and to judge for ourselves through what part of the country 
the different divisions marched after crossing the Till. 

" Believe me, to remain, yours very sincerely, 

" To MR. ROBERT WHITE, &c." 

Mr. Jones adds the following in a note, dated 16th November, 1858 : 

" I have, since receiving your last letter, with the very kind remarks you have 
made, inquired more particularly respecting the Sandy Ford near Crookham. This 
ford is across the Till, and is considered, even at this day, quite good. Here it is 
where the boys bathe ; the bottom is sand and gravel, the water is only about three 
feet deep, and not even this in summer. A little to the north of Etal Castle is 
Watch-law, said to be the place where Surrey's army encamped for the night ; no 
doubt it has taken its name from that circumstance, as it is close to Barmoor Com- 
mon. May not part of the army have crossed at this ford, which still retains the 
name, and the small burn, ' over which a man could step,' mentioned in history, be 
fabulous, unless the small stream of Pallinsburn, at its junction with the Till at this 
place, went by the same name. The cottages built here are called the Sandy Ford 
Cottages. This supposition would strengthen if not verify the Sandy Ford mentioned 
by Hall in his account of the battle." 

With all deference to the opinions of Mr. Jones, the -writer cannot 
assent to his view, wherein he supposes the foreward of the English 
army, under the Admiral, after crossing Twysel bridge, would ad- 
vance forward on the road leading to Cornhill. It is more likely that 
the van proceeded up the western bank of the Till towards Heton, till 
Lord Howard came within view of the rearward, and then, assisted by 
sure guides, he led his battalions on in the most direct way to Branxton 
hill. He would elude morasses or other obstacles as well as he could, 
and we may be certain there were difficulties to overcome, for he took 
full five hours in going over as many miles. His father, we may pre- 
sume, was behind him, and within reach, whatever might occur, so that 
it is not improbable but a part of Stanley's division might advance on 
the road towards Crookharn, and approach the field by that quarter. 
Moreover, we are told the English were constantly in view of the camp 
at Flodden, till the smoke from that place hid the armies from each 
other ; and again, we may be assured, it was not till the Admiral and 
Surrey, his father, bent their course full upon Branxton hill, that King 
James resolved to quit his position and occupy the latter place. 

******** * 

The poem of Marmion has drawn many a pilgrim to Flodden, who 
was altogether uncertain of the place where the battle was fought, and 

Since England gains the pass the while, 
And struggles through the deep defile ? 
What checks the fiery soul of James ? 
Why sits that champion of the dames 

Inactive on his steed, 
And sees, between him and his land, 
Between him and Tweed's southern strand 

His host Lord Surrey lead f" 

236 APPENDIX, &c. 

the writer has cause to believe that the actual locality was unknown 
even to Sir Walter Scott himself. Visitors, however, may seek in vain 
for the Cross of Stone upon the hillock, and the inscribed Well of Sybil 
Grey, so associated with the death of the chief personage in that roman- 
tic tale. Besides, when the armies met, the smoke from the deserted 
camp had vanished, and, except that caused by the artillery, the air 
was clear ; neither was dust, however fierce the turmoil might be, likely 
to arise on a wild moor soaked with rain. But a poet, in the legitimate 
exercise of his power, makes perfect what is defective ; and it was as 
necessary to Scott's purpose that he presented a picture to his reader's 
mind a conflict amid " clouds of smoke and dust," with the west wind 
breathing upon it, as to garnish the story with the Cross and Well. 
The attempt, as may be supposed, was eminently successful, for the 
author, inspired as he was, threw over the scene the effulgent and im- 
perishable light of his genius. No such attraction can be presented 
by the sober relater of truth ; yet to many the preceding paper will not 
be without its value. Recalling what he was told, when a child, 
of the dreadful encounter, and warmed like others by the poet's vivid 
description of it, the writer has carefully sifted conflicting accounts, 
separating refuse from the pure grain, whereby he might ascertain with 
some degree of accuracy the whole circumstances of the battle, and be 
enabled with his readers to gaze upon the ground where it was fought, 
and think of the brave endurance, the devoted fidelity, the stern deter- 
mination, and the terrible energies which were once called forth on that 
place of renown. 


Page 208, line 6, dele " on the evening before the battle." 



OTTR good old topographer, William Harrison, whose Description of 
England is prefixed to Hollinshead's Chronicles, furnishes us with an 
itinerary of the principal post roads as they existed in the reign of 
Queen Elizabeth ; amongst others, of the road from London, hy York 
and Newcastle, to Berwick. The route at that date was precisely the 
same which was travelled till within a few years by her Majesty's mail, 
with the single exception of the stages between York and Northaller- 
ton. Leaving London by Shoreditch, the traveller proceeded by Wal- 
tham, Ware, Royston, Huntingdon, and Stilton, to Stamford ; thence, 
by Grantham, Newark, and Tuxford, to Doncaster ; Went Bridge, in- 
stead of Ferry Bridge, formed the next halting place ; next Tadcaster, 
and then York. The next stage was of unusual length, sixteen miles 
by Harrison's computation, but certainly upwards of twenty by statutary 
measurement, to Topcliffe, the ancient seat of theEarls ofNorthumberland. 
The modern route from York to Topcliffe is, or rather was when highways 
were still the usual mode of communication, by way of Boroughbridge, 
but the old line kept on the eastern side of the Swale, through the 
forest of Galtres to Tollerton and Helperby, crossing the river at Thorn- 
ton Bridge, and recrossing it at TopclifFe. Leland describes his ride 
over this ground on his northern tour. He proceeded onward from 
Topcliffe to Thirsk, but the direct route to Northallerton passes consid- 
erably to the west of that town. From Northallerton we are conducted, 
by Darlington and Durham, to Newcastle, and thence, by Morpeth, Aln- 
wick, and Belford, to Berwick. 

Harrison gives two routes from Berwick to Edinburgh one by Dun- 
bar and Haddington ; the other by Earlston, Lauder, and Dalkeith. We 
may confine our attention to the former, which passes in the same 
general direction as the present coast road. The stages were Chirnside, 
Coldingham, "Pinketon," Dunbar, Linton, Haddington, Seaton, Mussel- 
burgh, and Edinburgh. From Dunbar to Edinburgh the line is free 
from engineering difficulties, and the old road is nearly identical with 
that now in use. Between Berwick and Dunbar the country is as nearly 
impracticable as any which has ever yielded a triumph to scientific 

VOL. III. 2 I 


skill. No such skill was available in the sixteenth century, and we see 
the result in the extraordinarily circuitous course adopted. Chirnside, 
the first stage, lies five miles to the west, and the following stage, Cold- 
ingham, three miles to the east, of a direct line. North of Coldingham 
the line was sufficiently direct, hut it is impossible to pass over it with- 
out being filled with amazement that a road which crosses ravine after 
ravine at such frightfully steep inclinations, could ever have been tra- 
versed, as at one time it certainly was, by wheeled carriages. 

So long as journeys were performed exclusively on horseback, we 
have no complaints of the state of our roads. Steep gradients were of 
comparatively little importance if the surface were tolerably even. The 
main thoroughfares were sufficiently wide to enable the traveller to se- 
lect his course : if the track was worn deep and dangerous in the centre, 
he had the choice of smoother ground to the right or the left ; if he had 
to pass a slough or a morass, he had generally the accommodation of a 
paved causeway, of which some specimens may be seen in our own day. 
It was only when wheeled carriages came into general use that the 
roads fell into disrepair, and the means at the disposal of the parishes 
and townships through which they passed were inadequate for their re- 
storation. Fynes Morrison, who wrote in 1617, describes the roads 
generally throughout England as " very dirty," with the exception of 
those in the neighbourhood of London, " which were sandy and very 
fair, and continually kept so by labour of hands." From this time 
the deterioration went on rapidly, but for a long time no remedy was 

The first, and for many years the only, attempt to introduce the sys- 
tem of turnpikes, now so general throughout England, was made on the 
Old North Road in 1663, when an act was obtained placing the manage- 
ment of so much of it as lies within the counties of Hertford, Cambridge, 
and Huntingdon under the controul of committees of the justices of the 
several counties, with power to erect a toll-gate in each, at Wadesmill 
for Hertfordshire, at Caxton for Cambridgeshire, and at Stilton for Hunt- 
ingdonshire. We have no evidence that the powers of this act were 
ever put in force in Huntingdonshire; in Cambridgeshire the com- 
mittee proceeded no further than the erection of a gate at Caxton, when 
it was found to be so easy of evasion, that no toll was collected : in 
Hertfordshire only was any substantial good effected. Here we are told 

" Divers gentlemen within the county have heartily set themselves 
to take care for the repairing of the said ways within their county ; and 
in order thereto, finding that money could not be advanced by the toll 
in so speedy a manner as to repair those ruinous ways, and that none 


would lend their money upon that security, did upon their own costs 
borrow 1,300/. on interest, which sum accordingly is laid out, together 
with such money as hath proceeded from, the toll, by which means they 
have so amended the said road, lying in that county, leading from 
London to York, that they have made the same from a road impassable, 
to be to the satisfaction of all that travel that way very passable and 

This statement is contained in the preamble of an act which was 
passed two years afterwards, by which the term of the trust, so far as 
regards Hertfordshire, was extended from its original limit of eleven 
years to twenty-one. At the same time power was given to the Cam- 
bridgeshire trustees to remove the Caxton gate to Arrington. Both 
acts were suffered to expire, and the toll-gates were removed; but 
eight years after the expiration of the longer term for which the tolls 
were leviable in Hertfordshire, the roads had again " become danger- 
ous and impassable, by reason of great burdens and carriages used to 
pass through the same," and another act was passed reviving the former 
powers as regarded that county for a term of fifteen years. This act 
passed in 1692, and has been renewed from time to time, with various 
modifications, to the present time, being the only turnpike act in force, 
till four years afterwards one was passed for repairing the road from 
London to Harwich. From this time only ten new turnpike roads were 
sanctioned up to 1710, in which year the counties of Cambridge and 
Huntingdon again applied for a revival of their former powers. In 
1712 the short piece of road from London to the borders of Hertford- 
shire was made turnpike, thus completing the entire distance from the 
metropolis to Wansford Bridge, near Stamford. Between 1713 and 1725 
another line of road was formed, under various acts, known as the New 
North Road, from London to Alconbury Hill, a few miles north of 
Huntingdon, by Barnet, "Welwyn, Stevenage, and Biggleswade. In 
1739 a turnpike road was sanctioned between Stamford and Grantham. 
In 1741 a very important advance was made towards the improvement 
of the northern portion of the road by an act for making a turnpike 
from Doncaster to Tadcaster, one stage south of Tork, with a branch 
from Ferrybridge to Wetherby and Boroughbridge. The interval of 
fifty-two miles from Grantham to Doncaster, as well as the short dis- 
tance between "Wansford and Stamford, and the stage from Tadcaster to 
York, was still repaired by the parishes, nor is it necessary to trace the 
gradual absorption of those roads into the turnpike system. A brie 
enumeration, however, of the dates of the various turnpike acts north of 
York and Boroughbridge may with propriety be introduced. 


In 1745 the line of turnpike from Boroughbridge, by Northallerton 
and Darlington, to Durham was sanctioned by Parliament. This was 
the first turnpike road which crossed the Tees, although Bailey, in his 
View of the Agriculture of Durham, gives precedence to that from Cat- 
terick Bridge to Durham, by Yarm and Stockton, fixing the date of the 
latter in 1742. This is one year previous to the passing of the act for 
the road from Boroughbridge to Catterick and Piercebridge, on which 
the other was dependant for its connection with the south. The true 
date of the Catterick, Yarm, and Durham act was in 1747. In the 
same year acts were also obtained for the road from Durham to Tyne 
Bridge, and from Cow-Causeway, near Newcastle, to Buckton Burn, 
north of Belford. Simultaneously with these extensions, the Corpora- 
tion of Newcastle caused the intermediate portion of road within their 
jurisdiction " to be formed after the manner of turnpike roads" out of 
the Corporate funds. At the same time it was in agitation to continue 
the turnpike through North Durham, from Buckton Burn to Berwick 
and Cornhill, but the scheme was for a time abandoned. At length, 
in 1753, an act was obtained for making a turnpike road from Buckton 
Burn, through Berwick, to Lamberton, on the Scotch March, with 
certain branches therefrom, including a line from Tweedmonth to Corn- 

The same year the distance between York and Northallerton was 
considerably shortened by a new line of road by Easingwold and Thirsk, 
in lieu of the former route by Boroughbridge. Boroughbridge, how- 
ever, still lay on the shortest line between Newcastle and London, by 
"Wetherby, avoiding York. Nothing had hitherto been done to im- 
prove the road north of the Tweed, but in 1 754 a bridge was built 
over that river at Kelso, in connection with a new line of road through 
Northumberland by "Weldon Bridge and Wooler, which was continued 
by the vale of Lauder to Edinburgh. 

In 1759 an act was passed for building a bridge at Coldstream, in 
connection also with the Wooler road, and for forming a turnpike through 
Berwickshire towards Edinburgh. 

In 1786 an essential improvement was effected on the old coast road 
north of Berwick, by the completion of the Pees Bridge across a ravine 
of that name on the confines of Berwickshire and East Lothian. This 
bridge, which was long considered the greatest engineering work in 
Scotland, being designed by Smeaton, spans a chasm whose almost per- 
pendicular sides had hitherto presented an insuperable obstacle to the safe 
transit of passengers by this route. Some miles of new road were also 
made in connection with the bridge, avoiding all the most objectionable 


passes, and this line long continued to be the principal communication 
between England and Scotland, although longer by some miles than 
either of the other routes. 

Of the inns at the various stages on our great roads Harrison gives a 
very curious account. Of such inns there were in some of the towns as 
many as twelve or sixteen, " and such," he adds, "is the capacity of some 
of them, that they are able to lodge two or three hundred persons with their 
horses, and with a very short warning to make provision for their diet." 
The London inns were much inferior to those in the country, but even 
these " far better than the best in any foreign country." One great ad- 
vantage consisted in this, that in England " the host or good-man of the 
house doth not challenge a lordly authority over his guests, but clean 
otherwise, since every man may use his inn as his own house, and have 
for his money how great or how little variety of victuals, and what other 
service himself shall think expedient to call for." 

The outfit] of the houses is particularly commended, " the napery, 
bedding, and tapestry, especially the napery." " Each guest is sure to 
lie in clean sheets, and if he have a horse his bed doth cost him nothing, 
but if he go on foot he is sure to pay a penny for the same. The 
horses in like sort are walked, dressed, and looked unto by certain 
hostellers or hired servants, who in hopes of extraordinary reward, will 
deal very diligently after outward appearance. Herein, nevertheless, 
are many of them blameworthy, in that they do oftentimes deceive the 
beast of his allowance by sundry means, except their owners look well 
to them." Fynes Morrison also gives some very interesting particulars, 
and applicable especially to the northern inns. In the south, we are 

" Men of inferior condition use to eat at the host's table, and pay some 
sixpence a meal, but gentlemen have their chambers, and eat alone, ex- 
cept perhaps they have consorts or friends in their company. If they 
be accompanied, perhaps their reckoning may come to some two shil- 
lings a man, and one that eats in his chamber, with one or two serv- 
ants attending him, may spend some five or six shillings for supper and 
breakfast. But in the northern parts, when I passed towards Scotland, 
gentlemen themselves did not use to keep their chambers, but to eat at 
an ordinary table together, where they had plenty of good meat, and 
especially of choice kinds of fish, and each man paid no more than six- 
pence, and sometimes but fourpence a meal. One horse's meat will 
come to twelvepence or eighteenpence the night, for hay, oats, and 
straw ; and in the summer time commonly they put the horses to grass 
after the rate of twopence each horse." " English passengers," he adds, 
"taking any journey, seldom dine, especially not in winter, and withal 
ride long journeys." " In Scotland they have no inns as in England, but 
in all places some houses are known where passengers may have meat 


and lodging ; but they have no bushes or signs hung out, and for the 
horses, they are commonly set up in stables at some out lane, not in 
the same house where the passenger lies. If any man be acquainted 
with a townsman, he will go freely to his house, for most of them will 
entertain a stranger for his money. A horseman will pay for oats and 
straw (for hay is rare in those parts) some eightpence day and night, 
and he shall pay no less in summer for grass, whereof they have no 
great store. Himself at a common table will pay about sixpence for his 
supper or dinner, and shall have his bed free ; and if he will eat alone 
in his chamber, he may have meat at a reasonable rate." 

Sir William Brereton, who visited Newcastle in 1635, describes Mr. 
Carr's inn, in that town, as " the fairest built inn in England that I 
have seen." His own lodging was at the Swan, kept by Mr. Swan, the 
postmaster, where he "paid 8df. ordinary, and no great provision." 
Newark was especially celebrated for its inns. The Talbot is described 
in a deed of the 14 of Edward III. (1341) under the Latin term Vertagm. 
The Saracen's Head dates from the same year, the White Hart from 
1413, and the Swan and Salmon from 1521. 

Saddle-horses for riding post were established on the principal roads at 
a very early period, and it was probably by this means, and not by relays 
of horses of his own, that Sir Robert Carey made his extraordinary journey 
from London to Edinburgh to announce the death of Queen Elizabeth to 
her successor King James. On this occasion he performed fully one 
hundred and fifty miles in each of two successive days, sleeping the first 
night at Doncaster, and the second at his own residence at Widdrington, 
twenty-two miles north of Newcastle ; the third day his progress was 
less rapid in consequence of a severe fall, but he still reached Edinburgh 
at night. 

" In England," says Morrison, " towards the south and west parts, 
and also from London to Berwick, upon the confines of Scotland, post- 
horses are established at every ten miles or thereabouts, which they ride 
a false gallop after some ten miles an hour sometimes, and that makes 
their hire the greater; all the difficulty is to have a body able to endure 
the toil." 

This was exactly what the active frame of Sir Robert Carey was 
fitted for, and we mast remember that the ten miles per hour of Fynes 
Morrison's day were at least equal to twelve miles of our reckoning, 
which would make the time spent actually in the saddle little more 
than twelve hours each day ; and we may be sure that there was little 
delay in changing horses, the journey having been long in contempla- 
tion, and all preparations no doubt duly made. 


""With a commission," continues our authority, "from the chief 
Post-master, or chief Lords of the Council (given either upon public 
business, or at least upon pretence thereof), a passenger shall pay two- 
pence-halfpenny each mile for his horse, and as much for his guide's 
horse : but one guide will serve the whole company, though many ride 
together, who may easily bring back the horses, driving them before 
him, who know the way as well as a beggar knows his dish. They 
who have no such commission pay threepence for each mile. For these 
horses the passenger is at no charge to give them meat, only at the ten 
miles' end the boy who carries them back will expect some few pence 
in gift. Likewise carriers let horses from city to city, with caution 
that the passengers must lodge at their inn, that they may look to the 
feeding of their horse ; and so they will for some five or six days' 
journey let him a horse, and find the horse meat themselves for some 
twenty shillings. Lastly, these carriers have long covered waggons, in 
which they carry passengers from city to city. Eut this kind of jour- 
ney is so tedious, by reason they must take waggon early, and come 
very late to their inns, as none but women and people of inferior con- 
dition (as Flemmings with their wives and servants) use to travel in 
this sort. Coaches are not to be hired any way but only in London ; 
and hired coachmen do not ordinarily take any long journeys, but only 
for one or two days any way from London. For a day's journey, a 
coach with two horses used to be let for some ten shillings the day, (or 
the way being short for some eight shillings, so as the passengers paid 
for the horses' meat), or some sixteen shillings a day for three horses, 
the coachman paying for his horses' meat. For the most part English- 
men, especially in long journeys, use to ride their own horses, or, if any 
will, he may hire a horse either by the day, or if the journey be long, 
he may hire horse at a convenient rate for a month or two," and this 
as well in other parts of England as in London, the charge being some- 
what higher in the latter. 

Although carriages, under the various denominations of chares, cars, 
earaches and whirlicotts, are noticed at intervals from the reign of Richard 
II., they were not in ordinary use in England till the time of Elizabeth, 
when they occur under the name of coaches. Many curious particulars 
respecting them will be found in a paper of much research in the 20th 
volume of the Archceologia. The first wheeled carriage which ever 
crossed the Tyne adapted for the conveyance of passengers, was proba- 
bly that in which the ladies of the Princess Margaret, daughter of Henry 
VII., accompanied their mistress on her nuptial journey into Scotland. 
It is described as " a chare richly dressed, with six fair horses, led and 
conveyed by three men, in which were four ladies, lasting the voyage." 
Considering the state of the roads and the absence of springs, which 
were then unknown, it seems marvellous that the ladies did last the 
voyage. "Whilst they were thus jolted in this splendid but uneasy 


vehicle, the Princess herself was mounted on " a fair palfrey" with 
the additional convenience of " a very rich litter horn by two fair 
coursers, -very nobly dressed, in the which litter she was born on enter- 
ing the good towns, or otherwise at her good pleasure." 

Horse-litters, according to Morrison, were of great antiquity both in 
England and Scotland " for sickly men, and women of quality." The 
same author says, writing in 1617, "sixty or seventy years ago coaches 
were very rare in England, but at this time there be few gentlemen of 
any account (I mean elder brothers) who have not their coaches," that 
the streets of London are almost stopped up with them." Morrison's 
account of carriages kept for hire has been already quoted, but stage 
coaches were not yet in existence. The author of the paper in the 
Archceologia is of opinion that some of the short stages, as from London 
to Reading, were introduced in the latter years of Charles I., but it is 
certain that those which performed longer journeys did not commence 
running till some time after the restoration of tranquility under the protec- 
torate of Oliver Cromwell. The earliest positive information on the sub- 
ject of stage coaches, is obtained from an advertisement in the Mercurius 
Politicus of 1658, which has been transferred, with much other curious 
matter, to the pages of the Quarterly Review, in an article on advertise- 
ments, (Vol. xcvii., p. clxxxix.) Coaches were then established on all 
the main thoroughfares from London, by Salisbury and Exeter, to 
Plymouth ; by Coventry, to Litchfield and Chester, with a continuation 
to Harrington, Preston, Lancaster and Kendal ; by York, to Newcastle 
and Edinburgh ; also to Bristol, Dover, and other principal towns. 

The following particulars refer to the Great North Road. Coaches 
left the George Inn, without Aldersgate, every Monday, Wednesday and 
Friday, for York, the Monday's coach being continued every week to 
Newcastle, and once a fortnight to Edinburgh ; the Friday's coach had 
a branch to Wakefield, from which were conveyances to Leeds and 
Halifax. The time occupied on the road, with the fares to the principal 
towns, was as follows : 

To Stamford, in two days 1 
To Newark, two days and 

a half. .'...15 
To Bawtry, three days . 110 
To Doncaster and Ferry- 
bridge, . . . . 1 15 
To York, in four days . 2 

To Helperby and North- 

allerton, ... 2 5 
To Darlington and Ferry- 
hill, ..... 2 10 
To Durham, .... 2 15 
To Newcastle, .... 3 
To Edinburgh, ... 40 

The time occupied north of York is not stated, but early in the next 
century the journey to York still took four days, and two more were 


allowed to Newcastle, whilst the extraordinary period of thirteen days 
was required to perform the journey from London to- Edinburgh, being 
six days between Newcastle and Edinburgh, even on the assumption 
that Sunday was spent as a day of rest at Newcastle. 

The new mode of travelling was looked upon with very different feel- 
ings by the advocates of progress and the lovers of things as they were. 
Chamberlayne, in his Anglice Notitia, says 

" Besides the excellent convenience of conveying letters and men on 
horseback, there is of late such an admirable commodiousness both for 
men and women of better rank to travel from London to almost any 
great town of England, and to almost all the villages near this great 
city, that the like hath not been known in the world ; and that is by 
stage-coaches, wherein one may be transported to any place, sheltered 
from foul weather and foul ways, free from damaging one's health or 
body, by hard jogging or other violent motion, and this not only at a 
low price (about a shilling for every five miles), but with such velocity 
and speed that the posts in some foreign countries make not more miles 
a day." 

On the other side, we have a curious pamphlet, published in 1672, 
and reprinted in the Harleyan Miscellany, entitled " The Grand Concern 
of England explained," in which, amongst other salutary provisions, 
the author recommends the suppression of stage coaches and caravans. 
They are described as ruinous to the innkeepers on the great roads, in- 
asmuch as " out of 500 inns on each road, these coaches do not call but 
at 15 or 16 of them;" they are "neither advantageous to health nor 
business," causing the traveller " to be called out of bed an hour be- 
fore day, and hurried from place to place till one hour, two, or three 
within night ; stifled with heat and choked with dust in summer, 
freezing with cold and choked with filthy fogs in winter, brought to 
his inn by torch-light too late for supper, and forced into the coach 
next morning too early for breakfast." He expatiates on the misery of 
" travelling with tired jades ; being laid fast in the foul ways ; forced 
to wade up to the knees in mire ; and afterwards to sit in the cold, till 
teams of horses are sent for to pull the coach out." He enlarges on 
" rotten coaches, broken axle-trees and perches," with the concomitant 
delays, and deprecates " the mixed company, and surly, dogged, curs- 
ing, illnatured coachman." Finally, he deplores the necessity of "lodg- 
ing and baiting at the worst inns on the road, where there is no 
accommodation fit for a gentleman, and this merely because the owners 
of the inns and the coachmen are agreed together to cheat the guests." 

A curious letter has been preserved from Mr. Edward Parker of 

VOL. III. 2 K 


Browsholme, in the county of Lancaster, describing a journey from 
Preston to London in 1663. Whilst he gives a much more favourable 
account of the company which he met with than our anonymous pamph- 
leteer, he by no means corroberates Chamberlayne's commendation of 
the easiness of the vehicle, and the absence of "hard jogging and violent 
motion." The letter is printed in the Archaologia, but an extract may 
not be out of place here. 

" I got to London on Saturday last. My journey was nowise plea- 
sant, being forced to ride in the boot all the way. The company that 
came up with me were persons of great quality, as knights and ladies. 
The journey's expense was thirty shillings. This travel hath so indis- 
posed me, that I am resolved never to ride up again in the coach. I 
am extremely hot and feverish. What this may tend to I know not, as 
I have not as yet advized with any doctor." 

Several other notices of stage-coach travelling in the seventeenth 
century will be found in the same paper in the Archceologia, and many 
others might be collected from contemporary letters and memoirs ; but 
as they are not immediately connected with the North Road, and throw 
little additional light on the subject, we may pass to an advertisement 
which some of us probably recollect to have seen hanging in a frame 
over the chimneypiece of the Black Swan coffee-room at York. It does 
r.ot, as might be supposed, announce the commencement of a new 
coach ; but only, as was usual at this season, the arrangements for the 
summer running, the number of journeys during the winter months 
being fewer, and the time occupied on the road greater. 

"York four-days Stage-Coach begins on Friday the 12th of April, 1 706. 

" All that are desirous to pass from London to York, or from York 
to London, or any other place on that road, let them repair to the Black 
Swan in Holborn, in London, or to the Black Swan in Conney Street, 
in York, at both which places they may be received in a Stage-Coach, 
every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, which performs the whole 
journey in four days (if God permits), and sets forth at five in the 
morning; and returns from York to Stamford in two days, and from 
Stamford, by Huntingdon, to London in two days more; and the like 
stages on their return ; allowing each passenger Hlb. weight, and all 
above 3d. per pound. 

" Also this gives notice, that the Newcastle Stage-Coach sets out 
from York every Monday and Friday, and from Newcastle every Mon- 
day and Friday." 

The arrangements appear to be the same as in 1658, except that the 
communication between York and Newcastle was now twice a week in- 
stead of once, and that the continuation to Edinburgh is no longer ad- 


vertised. If this were discontinued in the meantime, it was at all 
events revived in 1712, as appears by the following advertisement 
copied from the Newcastle Courant. 

" Edinburgh, Berwick, Newcastle, York, and London. Stage-Coach 
begins on Monday the 13th of October, 1712. 

" All that desire to pass from Edinburgh to London, or from London 
to Edinburgh, or any place on that road, let them repair to Mr. John 
Baillie's, at the Coach and Horses at the head of Cannongate, in Edin- 
burgh, every other Saturday, or at the Black Swan in Holborn, London, 
every other Monday, at both which places they may be received in a 
Stage-Coach, which performs the whole journey in thirteen days, with- 
out any stoppage (if God permits), having eighty able horses to perform 
the whole stage, each passenger paying four pounds ten shillings for the 
whole journey, allowing each passenger 20lb weight, and all above to 
pay 6d. a pound. The Coach starts at six in the morning." 

"When Lady Nithsdale travelled from Dumfriesshire to London, pre- 
vious to effecting the escape of her lord from the Tower in 1716, she 
rode, by way of Carlisle, to Newcastle on horseback, as the nearest 
point at which she could take coach. 

In 1728 the Edinburgh coach was still running, 1 but it seems to have 
been discontinued the following year as a regular conveyance, although 
the coach and horses were still retained by the proprietors to let out to 
parties requiring them, on giving a fortnight's notice. 2 On the 16th of 
December, the same year, a weekly coach was established between New- 
castle and London, starting on Mondays, independent of the York 
coaches, by which " any passenger may be sure of their places, without 
writing to York, only taking them of Mr. Pratt, in Newcastle aforesaid." 
Mr. Pratt kept the White Hart in the Flesh Market, from whence the 
coach started. 

In 1754 the York coach is again advertised, with a continuation to 
Newcastle, but no further, under a new arrangement commencing from 
the 24th of March. Four days are still allowed between London and 
York, and two between York and Newcastle, the latter portion of the 

1 " Lost, between Alnwick and Felton Bridge, from the Stage coach, a pair of Leather 
baggs, wherein were some wearing linen, coffee, coffee-cups, and other things : "Who- 
ever brings them to Mrs. Smith, Post- Mistress at Morpeth, shall have a guinea re- 
ward, and no questions asked." Newcastle Courant, Jan. 6, 1728. 

2 "This is to give notice to all gentlemen, ladies, and others, that have a mind to 
go in a coach from Newcastle to London, Bath, Edinburgh, or any other place, that 
they may repair to Mr. Bart : Pratt, in the Flesh Market, Newcastle, to Mr. George 
Gibson, in Lendall Street, York, or to Mr. George Clerke, in Cannongate, Edinburgh, 
giving only a fortnight's notice, and shall have good cattle to perform the same." 


journey being still performed only once a week, between London and 
York thrice. It now left London by the Barnet and Bugden road, in- 
stead of by "Ware and Huntingdon. For the first time the Turk's 
Head is announced as its quarters at Newcastle. On the 30th of 
March, 1761, an acceleration was effected, by which the journey be- 
tween London and York was performed in three days instead of four, 
and the weekly coach from Newcastle started on Tuesday instead of 
Monday, still getting into London on Saturday. On the up journey 
the passengers slept at Northallerton, York, Barnby Moor, and Stilton ; 
on their return, at Darlington instead of Northallerton, getting into 
Newcastle at noon. The fare from Newcastle to London was now 
31. 5s., from Newcastle to York II. At Old Michaelmas day it re- 
verted to its old time of four days between London and York for the 
winter, leaving Newcastle on Monday. It now ran by Thirsk and 

In the spring of 1764 the down coach began to leave London at ten 
at night, halting the following night at Grantham, and proceeding the 
second day to York. On the 21st of May a further acceleration was 
made, by which the distance between York and Newcastle was per- 
formed in one day by way of Boroughbridge. The coaches between 
London and York now ran every day except Sundays, and between 
York and Newcastle twice a week, on Mondays and Thursdays. They 
are advertised as the "Newcastle, Durham, and York Flying Post 
Coaches, on Steel Springs, with Postillions." 

Hitherto one company had monopolized the coaching traffic between 
Newcastle and London, but in the commencement of 1765 a second 
coach was advertised to run by way of Wetherby, 'which route was 
stated to be eleven miles shorter than by York. It started from the 
George and Blue Boar, London, and the Bull and Post-boy in the Bigg 
Market, at Newcastle, on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays, at four 
o'clock in the morning, staying all night at Wetherby and Grantham on 
the up journey, and at Grantham and Boroughbridge down. The 
"Flying Coach" is now advertised as the "Newcastle, York, and 
London Fly, to set out every Monday and Thursday morning at four 
o'clock, breakfast at Durham, dine at Northallerton, lie at York; 
breakfast at Ferrybridge, dine at Tuxford, lie at Grantham ; breakfast 
at Stilton, dine at Stevenage, and thence to the Bull in Bishopgate 

In August, 1772, the- coach by Wetherby began to mn daily, Sun- 
days excepted, reverting to three days a week in the winter months. 
This is the date of Mr. Murray's excursion to London, which he has 


commemorated in the little work entitled Travels of the Imagination 
in a Stage Coach. Unfortunately, he gives us few particulars of his 
journey, which, at this distance of time, would have been infinitely 
more interesting than his flights of imagination. The halt for break- 
fast at Durham seems to have been a very long one, for his companions 
and himself had time to go through the cathedral and walk about the 
city. From Durham he skips off to Grantham, the sleeping-place of the 
second night. Here, by an inconvenient arrangement, he got in early 
in the evening, only to be hurried off the next morning at two o'clock 
to finish his journey. 

In May, 1784, the London coach by Wetherby was transferred from 
the Bull and Post-boy (Nelson's) to the Turk's Head (Brodie's), and the 
following year was arranged . to start at ten at night both from New- 
castle and London, stopping all night at Don caster and Stilton in going 
up, and at Grantharn and Boroughbridge on its way down. It was now 
the only London coach, but the Old York Fly continued to run from 
the King's Arms (Mordue's) as a local accommodation, and a diligence 
carrying three passengers was established between Newcastle and Leeds, 
starting from the Cock (Hall's) at the Head of the Side. 

A few years earlier the coaching communication, which had been in- 
terrupted since 1729, was re-established with Edinburgh. The first 
coach travelled by the new road recently opened by "Wooler and Kelso, 
and commenced running in connection with the London coach from the 
Bull and Post-boy in 1763. It started every Monday morning, by Mor- 
peth, Glanton, Wooler, and Mindrum, to Kelso, where it stayed all 
night, proceeding on Tuesday, by Channelkirk, to Edinburgh. On its 
return it left Edinburgh on Saturday, remained all night at "Wooler, and 
arrived in Newcastle on Sunday afternoon. In 1771 it ran thrice a 
week, leaving Newcastle at five and Edinburgh at six on the mornings 
of Monday, Wednesday, and Friday. In 1784 it was transferred, at the 
same time as the London coach, from the Bull and Post-boy to the 
Turk's Head, when it was converted into a diligence, carrying three 
passengers, and running six days a week. The route also was altered 
north of Wooler, from whence it proceeded by Coldstream Bridge and 
Greenlaw instead of Kelso. 

In 1 786 two other communications were opened between Edinburgh 
and Newcastle, both by way of Berwick, where they stayed all night in 
going and returning. The first was a coach to the White Hart (Loftus') 
in connection with the diligence to Leeds, at which place it communi- 
cated with coaches to London, Birmingham, and all the principal manu- 
facturing towns ; the second a diligence to the Queen's Head (Turner's) 


in connection with the Old York Fly. Newcastle had thus three dis- 
tinct lines of communication north and south at the period when Mr. 
Palmer's scheme for the establishment of mail-coaches was carried out. 
The mail from London to York commenced running from the Bull and 
Mouth, London, by the Old North Eoad, through Huntingdon, to the 
York Tavern, on the 16th of October, 1786 ; but this was not immedi- 
ately extended to Newcastle, the Leeds route being in the first instance 
adopted. On the 13th of November, the London, Leeds, and Newcastle 
mail-coach started from the Bull and Mouth to the Old King's Arms, 
Leeds, and Cock, Newcastle. On the 27th it was extended to Edin- 
burgh by Berwick. The impolicy of adopting a route so circuituous as 
by Leeds was soon apparent, the new undertaking being unable to con- 
tend against the opposition by which it was met, as well on the two 
more direct roads to London, as for the local traffic on the Leeds line 
itself. After a struggle of a few months, the mail was transferred to 
the 5Tork route, and has ever since run to the Queen's Head, Newcastle. 
This seems an appropriate period for closing this branch of the annals 
of the Old North Road, which has already perhaps been rather too pro- 
lixly treated. Up to this time it is remarkable that none of the coaches 
which communicated with Newcastle had any distinctive name, like 
the Wellington and the Highflyer of our own days. The first instance 
of any such specific name being conferred was in the case of the coach 
which was started between York and Newcastle to run the mail off the 
parallel road, by the innkeepers of every opposing interest, who now 
combined against what they considered the common enemy : this coach 
was named the Coalition. 

The stage-coaches of earlier times were very unlike those admirably 
constructed vehicles with which we were familiar under that title. The 
wood-cuts in the old Newcastle newspapers represent them as very 
similar to the bulkiest of the hackney-coaches which used to ply in the 
streets of London before they were superseded by cabs. They carried 
six persons inside, but did not profess to carry outside passengers, al- 
though room could be made for one beside the driver. Neither did 
they stow away human beings in the Hoot on the North Road, as was 
the fortune of Mr. Parker in the Preston machine, which renders it un- 
necessary to explain here what the boot was, referring the curious to 
the description and engravings of early stage-coaches in the 20th Vol- 
ume of the Archceologia for information. 

In 1763 the proprietors of the London and Newcastle coach for the 
first time advertise that they will convey outside passengers at half- 
fares, restricting them from carrying any luggage whatever with them. 


The very next year they return to the old system, and appeal to those 
who travel inside to aid them in preventing the coachmen taking up 
outside passengers on their own account, as a practice quite as danger- 
ous as it was fraudulent. They also discourage the transmission of 
heavy boxes, but undertake the carriage of parcels and game. The 
mails undertook the conveyance of four insides and one out, and this 
was found so convenient by persons having a servant with them, that 
the plan was adopted by the other coaches, and gradually extended. 

In 1784, for the first time, a guard was appointed, not, however, to 
accompany the coach for the whole journey, but merely to attend it for 
a few miles out of London, coming in the early morning as far as Hat- 
field, and returning on the up journey to London late in the evening. 
This arrangement, however, did not last long, as the following year 
" superintendents" were employed for the whole journey. The passen- 
gers were requested to allow these parties to " ride inside" when there 
was room, and they were informed at the same time that no gratuities 
were expected from them, as " genteel salaries" were allowed. The 
establishment of the mail-coach, with a guard throughout, was imme- 
diately followed by the adoption of the same plan by the other coaches, 
which are also advertised to be " well-lighted" during the night. 

Considering the numerous robberies of which the Old North Road 
was the scene during the eighteenth century, and that the coaches per- 
formed a considerable portion of their journey after dark, it is extra- 
ordinary that they were not more frequently attacked. The only in- 
stance recorded in the local newspapers subsequent to the days of Jack 
Shepherd and Turpin was in 1 755, as noticed in the Newcastle Journal 
of the 17th of May in that year. 

" On Wednesday last, about six in the morning, the York stage coach 
was stopped on Finchley Common by a single highwayman. Upon 
his demanding the passengers' money, one Mr. Duncan llobertson (for- 
merly in the service of Genl. Campbell, and now employed by the King 
of Poland to buy up horses in England) being upon the box, fired a 
pistol at the highwayman, which missed ; whereupon the latter, quit- 
ting the passengers and advancing towards the box, fired a pistol at Mr. 
llobertson, which only grazed upon his shoulder, and then with a great 
deal of ill language, challenged him to fire again. But Mr. Robertson 
gallantly chose to receive a second and third fire from the highway- 
man, rather than discharge his own last resource; upon which the fel- 
low was glad to make off without his booty : but the country being 
alarmed, pursued him to a wood side, and his horse endeavouring to leap 
a very wide ditch, fell and broke his leg; whereupon the highwayman, 
after being shot in his thigh, leg, and arm, surrendered ; and being car- 
ried before a Justice of Peace, was ordered to the care of a surgeon, 


some of his wounds being apprehended to be mortal. The above ac- 
count may be depended on, being given by one of the passengers." 

Besides the London, York, and Edinburgh coaches, short stages ran 
between Newcastle and the neighbouring towns. The earliest of these 
was established in April, 1748, to run on alternate days between Dur- 
ham and Newcastle, and Durham and Sunderland. Within a very few 
weeks it was obliged to be discontinued "on account of the late rains, 
and the bad roads occasioned thereby" ; but the public was assured that 
"the coach will be set up again as soon as the roads mend." In the 
course of a few years coaches were established between Newcastle and 
Sunderland, Hexham, Morpeth, and Shields. To the last place they ran 
three times a-day when Pennant visited Newcastle in 1769. 

In 1786 a diligence ran between Newcastle and Carlisle, by way of 
Hexham, Haydon Bridge, and Halt whistle, leaving Newcastle every 
Friday at seven o'clock, and arriving at the Blue Bell in Scotch Street, 
Carlisle, at one o'clock the following afternoon. From Carlisle it re- 
turned on Sunday, at one o'clock p.m., but did not arrive in Newcastle 
till three p.m. on Monday. No details are given of the stoppages on 
the road. The fare each way was fifteen shillings. The diligences 
seem to have been constructed precisely like the post-chaises of that 
day, being, according to the representations in the newspapers, rather 
more imposing in their appearance than similar vehicles in our own time. 

The success which attended the first establishment of stage-coaches 
greatly alarmed the post-masters, who combined the duties of mail- 
contractors with the business of letting post-horses, the whole being 
under the control of the Postmaster- General. 

In June, 1658, two months after the appearance of the advertisement 
of the Chester, York, and Exeter Coaches, we find a notice that the 
" Postmasters on the Chester road, petitioning, have received order, and 
do accordingly publish the following advertisement." Then follow va- 
rious regulations for expediting the system of riding post, by arranging 
to have horses ready on the coach days, by which passengers may be 
forwarded with the same speed and certainty as by coach, to Chester, 
Manchester, "Warrington, and intermediate places. The charge of the 
guide's horse is also abolished, the whole cost being reduced to three- 
pence per mile. 

The apprehensions of the post-masters seems to have been ill-founded, 
the majority of travellers preferring horseback exercise to the jolting 
and "jogging" of the stage. At the same time, however, an extensive 
demand sprung up for job-coaches, which were furnished by liverymen 


in London, who no longer restricted their journeys to one or two days 
out of town. The following interesting particulars on this subject are 
given hy Don Hanoel Gonzales, a Portuguese merchant, who compiled 
an account of England in the reign of Charles II. : 

" I can not avoid " he says, " taking notice of the vast number of 
coach-horses that are kept to be let out to noblemen and gentlemen, to 
carry or bring them to and from the distant parts of the kingdom. 
There are some of these men that keep several hundreds of horses, with 
coaches, coachmen, and a complete equipage, that will be ready at a 
day's warning to attend a gentleman to any part of England. These 
people also are great jockies. They go to all the fairs in the country, 
and buy up horses, with which they furnish most of the nobility and 
gentry about town. And if a nobleman does not care to run any hazard, 
or have the trouble of keeping horses in town, they will agree to fur- 
nish him with a set all the year round." 

By degrees the business of letting coaches for journeys was extended 
to all the large towns in the kingdom, and ultimately post chaises were 
kept at every stage. Long, however, after the general establishment of 
this convenience, job-coaches, driven through with the same horses from 
London, were the favourite mode of conveyance to the remotest parts of 
the kingdom, and eager were the enquiries for " return coaches," which 
could generally be engaged on very easy terms by parties travelling to 
the metropolis. In reading correspondence of the middle of the last 
century, and some years later, we perpetually find the time of a con- 
templated visit depended on the contingency of a return-coach ; and 
advertisements constantly occur announcing such opportunities, or pro- 
ceeding from parties anxious to avail themselves of them, or sometimes 
wishing for a partner in the expense. 

The following advertisement from the Newcastle Journal of the 17th 
of August, 1 740, is the earliest intimation of any vehicle being kept for 
hire north of York : 

" This is to give notice that there is a coach and chaise at the Queen's 
Head, near the Nun's-gate, Newcastle, with good horses, which may 
be hired to any part of England, and will be drove by a thorough-road 

To begin on the 23rd inst. by me : Thomas Abbot, from York. 

In the same paper of the 1st of September, 1743, is an account of the 
Earl of Stair, Lord Lindores, Major Stuart, and a large retinue, having 
passed over Stainmoor to Bowes, the post-chaise in which their lordships 
were conveyed being the first vehicle of the kind which was ever seen 


"Within a very few years chaises were kept at the inns on the post- 
road to the very extremity of Northumberland. Arthur Young, writing 
in 1760, mentions, amongst the improvements which had been effected 
by Mr. Abraham Dixon within the last twelve years, the building of an 
inn at Belford, at which post-chaises were kept. 

The charge for a pair of horses varied from sixpence to ninepence a 
mile. In 1764, the innkeepers from Newcastle southward advertised 
the hire of a chaise and pair at sevenpence per mile in summer, and 
eightpence in winter, one shilling per mile for four horses : those on 
the new line of road from Newcastle to Edinburgh, by Cornhill, charged 
ninepence per mile for a chaise and pair. 

The stages, with the milage, is given as follows : 

Newcastle to Morpeth 14 miles. 

Morpeth to Whittingham 20 miles. 

Whittingham to Wooler Haugh-head 11 miles. 

Wooler Haugh-head to Cornhill 14 miles. 

Cornhill to Greenlaw 12 miles. 

Greenlaw to Winnepeth-fbrd 11 miles. 

"Winnepeth-ford to Blackshiels 10 miles. 

Blackshiels to Edinburgh 14 miles. 

Newcastle to Edinburgh .... 106 miles. 

On the more frequented portions of the road much competition sprung 
up between rival innkeepers, who advertised the superior accommoda- 
tion of their respective carriages and the fleetness of their horses. This 
spirit of rivalry was developed in a very singular Manner between an 
innkeeper at Durham and the landlady of a roadside house near that 
city, where chaises were kept, as appears from the following paragraph 
extracted from the Newcastle Journal of the 31st of July, 1756. : 

" "We hear from Durham that a Chaise-match is to be run between 
Mrs. Richardson of Farewell-hall, and Mr. Green of Durham, to drive 
themselves between Farewell-hall and Ferry-hill and back, for a con- 
siderable wager ; to start on Monday next, at four o'clock." 

The glory of the North Road in our own days was no doubt the post- 
ing. On other roads the coaches were as well, in some even better, ap- 
pointed, and the speed greater ; but nowhere else could you drive up to 
an inn door with the certainty that as you drew up, a relay of horses 
with mounted post-boys would issue from the yard, and that one mi' 
nute's delay was all that was required to replace the steeds that had 
brought you twelve miles within the hour by a fresh team to carry you 
forward at the same rate. This system, however, which was brought 


to such perfection, was destined to " flourish and to fade" in a single 
generation; and some of those who had seen it supplant the jog-trot 
pace of the last century lived to witness its prostration before the 
energies of railway enterprise. The roadside inns also, where the 
wealthiest magnate could he regaled as sumptuously as in his own cas- 
tle, are many of them altogether desolate, all shorn of their former 
honours ; if a stray pair of horses is required, they have to be taken 
from the hay-cart or the plough, and if the unfrequent traveller finds a 
well-aired bed, it is due to the providence of his hostess, and not to the 
frequency of its occupation. 

The Old North Road is numbered amongst the things which have been 
almost forgotten by the present generation, unknown to that which is 
springing up ; and a few pages have perhaps not been ill bestowed on 
its annals. 




Monthly Needing, 3 November, 1858. 
John Hodgson Hinde, Esq., V.P., in the Chair, 

COMMUNICATIONS. Letters from the Rev. R. Jones, Yicar of Brankston, 
enclosing a plan of Flodden Field, and stating that Mr. White's sug- 
gestion of a pillar to record the place where the slain were found in- 
terred, had been approved by Mr. Collingwood, who would defray the 
expense. ME. WHITE. 

A letter from Mr. C. Roach Smith, describing the celebrated Roman 
fortifications at Dax (A$uce Tarbeliicd), in France, and the manner in 
which they were disappearing by order of the municipal authorities. A 
similar letter appears in the Gentleman's Magazine for November. 
DR. BKTJCE. [It is understood that, in consequence of Mr. Smith's ex- 
ertions, the Emperor of the French has arrested the progress of destruc- 

Three letters from the Rev. Robert Lambe, Vicar of Norham, to 
Hutchinson the Historian. In the first, dated at Norham in 1775, he 
describes Norham, and states that he had dug up many foundation- 
stones westward of the church, as if the town had moved from the 
church to the castle. He conceives that a celt lately found, with a spear- 
head of brass, near Melrose, and then in the possession of Major Hume, 
had been hung by the eye to the spear top, and was the melon chalkoun, 
or " brazen apple," alluded to by Dion Cassius (per Xiphiline) as at- 
tached to the spears of the Britons, to terrify the enemy by its noise 
when shaken. \Vide. Mon. Hist., lx.] In the second letter, dated at 
Durham in 1777, he thinks that the custom of taking off shoes on Eas- 
ter Sunday and Monday is only practised in the towns of that part of 
the bishoprick. [It is common in the Stockton district.] The only 
popular diversions at Norham were dancings among the young people on 
the first Monday in January, the White Plough at Christmas, and the 


town feast about the middle of September. The third letter, dated at 
Durham in 1780, dilates upon the supposed apple, and states that there 
were two spear-heads and two chisels (as he calls the celts) found 
that the latter resembled pouches or purses, and might be about three 
inches long and three inches Iroad. He originates the spindles with 
which the women near the Tweed make round thread, the bagpipes, 
the Highland costume, the broad ribbon (zone) round the waists of 
Tweedside brides, British cheese, and British cherries, in the Roman 
settlement ; and from the wilks, in Scotland called bukkies (luccina, 
Latin), "he has extracted the famous Tyrian purple." THE EDITOR. 

PRESENTED. A photograph (exhibited at the previous meeting) of a 
panel carved with Thomas Percy's arms ; formerly at Thorpfield, near 
Topcliffe. ME. F. K. ROBINSON. 

A rough stone found outside of the station walls at Benwell, and 
bearing a rude instription almost effaced. ME. RICHAED GAIL. 

Photograph drawing of an old chest belonging to the Clothworkers' 
Company, London, and a rubbing of the arms engraved six times within 
its lid. The lock is in the centre of the lid ; but there is another orna- 
mental key-hole in front. The latter, with the four handles (twisted 
snakes), padlocks, &c., retain slight traces of gilding. The chest until 
recently contained the company's plate. The arms are those of the free 
town of Niarnberg, viz., Or, a demi imperial eagle displayed Sable; 
impaling, bendy of six, Argent and Gules (here and elsewhere drawn as 
Argent, 3 bends Gules). An allied coat is borne by Yon Hertingshau- 
sen in Hesse, viz., Azure, a demi eagle displayed Argent ; impaling Or, 
two bends Sable. No information respecting the chest was discovered 
in the company's records by the late Mr. Samuel Gregory, who lately 
died, bequeathing to the company his collections relating to it, in twenty 
folio volumes. Dr. J. J. HOWABD. 

Revue de 1'Art Chretien recueil mensuel d'Archeologie Religieuse, 
dirige par M. 1'Abbe J. Corblet, No. VII. THE PUBLISHES. 

Proceedings and Papers of the Kilkenny Archaeological Society, Vol. 

ELECTED. Mr. Henry Bell, Tynemouth, as an ordinary member. 


Monthly Meeting, 1 December, 1858. 
John Hodgson Hinde, Esq., V.P., in the Chair. 

COMMUNICATIONS. The Inquisition taken after the death of Adam 
de Charlton of Tynedale in 1303. To be printed. DB. CHARLTON. 

On the ' Thorngrafton Find.' To be printed. Mr. CLAYTON. [Mr. 
Fenwick observed, that the late Duke of Northumberland had given him 
instructions, that if Mr. Pattison would voluntarily deliver up the coins, 
he was to pay him the value put upon them by the late Mr. Trotter 
Brockett. Mr. Pattison, however, was obstinate, and the proceedings 
went forward. Mr. Clayton added, that he had written to the present 
Duke, offering to give precedence, as was due, to His Grace ; and the 
generous answer which he received, was that the coins were in very 
good hands. Mr. Pattison had come to regard one of the silver coins as 
the most precious of the whole number, having detected (as he imagined) 
the representation of a conflict between a man and a lion, described in 
the Book of Chronicles, 1 and come to the conclusion that it must have 
been coined at least a thousand years before Christian era. He made 
his last stand on this Biblical coin ; and at length he (Mr. Clayton) 
offered to leave him in possession of it, and be contented with the rest. 
Mr. Pattison then gave way ; the coins, he said, should all go together ; 
and the negotiation was finally effected. Dr. Bruce remarked that at 
the time when the coins were found, a commencement had been made 
with the construction of the Newcastle and Carlisle Railway ; and as it 
was anticipated that antiquities would be brought to light by the ex- 
cavations, it was felt to be a matter of importance to settle the question 
of ownership.] 

On Edmondbyers Church. To be printed. REV. "W. FEATHERSTON- 

On the Old North Road. Printed at p. 237. THE CHAIRMAN. [Mr. 
Fenwick gave an anecdote of the famous Lady Peat, who was once com- 
pelled, in default of a better place, to ride in the boot of a stage-coach. 
On inside fare being demanded, she replied, "No; I have come as lug- 
gage, and must be paid for as luggage.] 

1 Probably referring to Benaiah's slaying the lion in a pit on a snowy day. Vide 1 
Chron. xi. 22. The coin is figured in Dr. Bruce' s Roman "Wall among the consular 


PEESENTED. Fragments of Samian ware from Chester-le-Street, 
marked MACEINI, PATEECXINI, &c. A large bead or ring of blue glass, 
with annulets of white on the circumference, found at a depth of seven 
feet there. Two fragments of ancient pottery, from Edmondbyers. - 

Letters and Journals of Robert Baillie, A.M., by David Laing, Esq., 
3 vols., 1841. Pinker ton' s Enquiry into the History of Scotland, 2 
vols., 1824. Memoirs of the Insurrection in Scotland in 1715, by John, 
Master of Sinclair, with notes by Sir "Walter Scott, Bart. Edited for 
the Abbotsford Club by Mr. Macknight and Mr. Laing, 1858. A penni 
worth of Witte, "Florice, and Blauncheflour, and other pieces of ancient 
English poetry, from the Auchinleck MS. Edited for the Abbotsford 
Club, 1857. Geographical Illustrations of Scottish History, by David 
Macpherson, 1796. A brief view of the Dutch Ecclesiastical Establish- 
ment, by William Steven, M.A., 1839. Facsimile of the inscription 
commemorating James Stouert, Earl of Morry, 1569. ME. LAING.. 

Canadian Journal, N.S., No. XVII., September, 1858. THE CANA- 

Specimens of Early Wood Engraving, being Impressions of Wood-cuts 
from the Collection of Mr. Charnley (of which 20 copies only have been 
printed), 1858. ME. DODD. 

PUECHASED. Mr. John Bell's collection of papers relative to the 
parliamentary elections for Newcastle, from 1741 to 1807. 

Monthly Meeting, 5 January, 1859. 
John Hodgson Hinde, Esq., V.P., in the Chair. 

COMMUNICATIONS. The Account in the Year Book of 4 Edw. IV. of 
the Battle of Hexham. To be printed. The Misdemeanors of the Re- 
ligious persons of Hexham. Printed in Hinde's Northumberland, 353. 
The Minister's Account of the Possessions of Hexham Priory, 27-28 
Hen. VIII. To be printed. ME. JASPEE GIBSON. 

[Mr. Dunn read an interesting account from The Times of the dis- 
covery of a cinque-cento bronze statute of a Roman in armour, at Gor- 
ton Brook.] 

[The Chairman announced that a Member of the Society, Mr. Thomas 
Gray, had undertaken to carry Mr. G. Bouchier Richardson's design of 


a History of Newcastle into execution, and hoped that every assistance 
would be given him in the work.] 

EXHIBITED. A noble of Henry IV. said to have been found in the 
Tyne by dredgers MR. EOBINSON. [Eumours of the discovery " of a 
silver head as big as the figure-head of a ship " amused the meeting.] 

A facsimile of De Gucht's engraving of Sir Josiah Child, Bart., the 
great banker, made by Brand the antiquary, at Syon, in 1791. ME. 

An implement of iron found in the mile-castle opposite Moss Kennel, 
similar to or one of the tools now used for turning up ground which is 
matted with the roots of trees. ME. DRYDEN. 

PEESENTED Proceedings and Papers of the Kilkenny Architectural 
Society, Yol. II., N. S., No. XVII. THE SOCIETY. 

Transactions of the Historical Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, 
Vol. X., Sessions 1857-8. THE SOCIETY. 

Memoir of the late Dr. Eaine, from the Gateshead Observer. ME. 

ORDERED. The History and Antiquities of Blythe, near Worksop, by 
the Eev. John Eaine. 

EESOLVED. That Sir Thomas Phillips be respectfully solicited to 
present to this Society a copy of his printed Visitation of Northumber- 

That Messrs. Kell and Dunn be appointed auditors for the ensuing 



THIS Adam de Charlton, who deceased on the Saturday before the 6th 
of May, 1303, is the same individual who figures in the Iter of "Wark 
in 1279, as the successful -opponent of William de Bellingham relative 
to two hundred acres of land and meadow at Hesleyside. 

The mode of spelling Bellingham, Beddyncham, shows that the " gh " 
was pronounced soft, as at present, and accords with the singular ortho- 
graphy " Belingjam " in the Iter of Wark. 

Hatred or Huchtred an old Saxon or Danish name is found 
taking his name from Brerygg, now Brieridge, a farm adjoining the 
grounds at Hesleyside. 

The name Cornehyrde is curious; it may have been mispelt for Cow- 
hyrde, but perhaps there were guardians of the corn as well as of the 
cattle in those days. 

It will be observed that William is here given as the son of Ed' or 
Edie, as the common abbreviation of Adam even at this day. 

The wood of Charlton, through which the Border Counties Railway 
is to pass, still exists, and is probably not much changed. 

The mill that Adam de Charlton held is no doubt the old picturesque 
mill opposite to Charlton, now called Hesleyside Mill, or Walk Mill, 
and till lately the residence of a well known character, old James 

The house in the Huntland was probably the Auld-Man- Shield, adjoin- 
ing the mill. Was not the huntland the chase land belonging to these - 
properties ? It is repeatedly mentioned in connection with various pos- 
sessions in the Iter of Wark, and elsewhere. 

All these properties, with the exception of Charlton, which was sold 
about a hundred years ago, are still in the hands of the family of 


'_' M 


INQ. P.M. 31 EDW: I. No. 180. 
(Public Record Office.} 

Inquisitio de terns et tenementis quae fuerunt Adae de Charlton in 
Tyndale, die quo obiit, facta apud Beddyncham die Sabati proxima post 
festum Sancti Johannis ante Portara Latin am, anno regni Regis Edwardi 
tricesimo primo, per sacramentum Hutred de Brerygg, Johannis Corne- 
hyrd, Willielmi filii Ed', &c. 

Qui dicunt, super sacramentum suum, quod Adam de Charleton 
tenuit manerium de Charlton, in dominico suo ut de feodo, die quo obiit, 
per servitium vicesimae partis unius feodi militis, de manerio de Tirset 
in Tyndale, quod est in manu domini regis per forisfacturam Johannia 
Comyn de Badenagh. 

Et dicunt quod est ibidem quoddam capitale messuagium, quod valet 
per annum xii d . Item sunt ibidem quadraginta acra terrse arabilia 
in dominico, quarum quselibet acra valet per annum viii d . Item sunt 
ibi septem acrae prati, quarum quselibet acra valet per annum ii 83 . Item 
est ibi quidera boscus, qui valeret per annum iiii 99 . in venditione sub- 
bosci, si emptor inveniretur. Item est ibi quoddam molendinum 
aquaticum, quod valet per annum xiii* 8 . iiii d . Item sunt ibi sexaginta 
acrae terrae husbandorum, quarum quaelibet acra valet per annnm xii d . 
Item est ibi quodam mansio in le Hunteland, quae vocatur le Scele, qua? 
valet per annum iiii'. 

Summa omnium particularum in hac inquisitione contentarum vi". iii 9 . 

Dicunt etiam quod Willielmus, filius praedicti Adae, est propinquior 
haeres ejusdem, et dicunt quod erit aetatis viginti et duorum annorum ad 
festum Sancti Laurentii proximo futurum. 



THE village of Edmundbyers, in the county of Durham, distant seven 
miles from Stanhope, five from Blanchland, and about twelve south-east 
from Hexham, lies on the side of a hill sloping gently to the south, at 
the foot of which runs the Burdonhope burn, a tributary of the river 
Derwent. The living is a rectory, of very ancient foundation, in the 
gift of the Dean and Chapter of Durham, the advowson and manor 
having been gradually acquired by that priory, in the thirteenth and 
fourteenth century. The church, dedicated to St. Edmund, is situated 
on the western outskirts of the village, surrounded by its own glebe, 
with its rectory house in close proximity. It is very small, consisting 
of a chancel 24 feet in length by 22 in width, and nave 42 feet by 25 ; 
and is very plain in its external appearance, possessing, nevertheless, 
some peculiarities of architectural feature. The chancel is lighted by 
four windows, an east window, one north and two south windows ; of 
these last, one is placed low in the wall at the south-west angle, but is 
a modern insertion, occupying in part the position of an ancient Saxon 
doorway ; the other, as well as the north window, is higher in the wall, 
measuring 4 feet in height by 6 inches in width, with semicircular head, 
and splay of 3 feet in width entirely internal ; the glass being level with 
the external face of the wall, or at least recessed by only an inch cham- 
fer on the edge of the window jambs. Close to this window, on its 
west side, stands another, the arches being separated only by the spandril, 
but which does not appear to have ever opened externally, presenting 
in fact only the internal splay ; this corresponding exactly with the other 
in every particular. This had been at a very early period closed up 
with solid masonry, and was only discovered on the removal of the 
plaster which thickly coated the wall. In the south wall of the chancel, 
under the perfect window, still remains a plain round-headed piscina, 
with aumbry adjoining these also formerly hidden by the plaster; and 
the ancient altar slab, with its five crosses, a noble stone 6 feet 3 inches 
long by 3 feet 3 inches wide, 8 inches thick, with deeply chamfered 


lower edge, has hitherto lain in the pavement of the chancel, at the 
north-east corner. The ancient east window, as well as the ancient 
chancel arch, has disappeared. 

The nave retains a semicircular-headed doorway, and the south wall 
is strengthened hy five broad flat pilaster buttresses, running with uni- 
form breadth and thickness from the base course to the corbel table 
beneath the eaves, where they disappear in the general surface of the 
wall. It is lighted by three semicircular headed windows on the south 
side, but these having been under the improving hands of modern re- 
storers, their former character is matter of doubt. Probably, they were 
similar to the windows in the chancel ; now they are made to assume a 
Norman character, with external face deeply recessed. There is also a 
window in the western gable, blank in the lower part, but with a pierced 
roundlet in the semicircular head. This also has been restored. The 
north wall of the nave is of very massive masonry, built with large 
square stones, in regular though rude courses, widely jointed, and bond- 
ed with powerful grouted mortar ; and is undoubtedly the original Saxon 
fabric. The corbels of the water tables are carved with rude representa- 
tions of the human face ; and the eastern gable is surmounted with a 
plain cross within a circle, the cross being of the shape known as St. 
Cuthbert's cross. "With the exception of the insertion of the Norman 
window, to the destruction of the Saxon doorway a barbarity never suf- 
ficiently to be regretted the interior of the chancel was not touched when 
the nave was partially restored, some twenty years ago. It was then 
that the windows of the nave were Normanized ; and at the same time 
a Norman chancel arch was erected, or rather a triple arch plan, the 
centre arch having a smaller at each side. An original example of this 
arrangement exists in the small church of Elton, near Stockton on Tees ; 
but the modern copy was here sadly out of keeping with the Saxon 
character of the existing remains, and the same remark applies to the 
Normanized windows of the nave. The dilapidated state of the chan- 
cel has now rendered necessary extensive repairs ; in the course of 
which several curious circumstances have come to light. 

Up to the period when the work of repair was commenced, two 
months ago, the thing that would most likely strike the eye of a 
stranger visiting the spot was, the extraordinary rise of the ground 
close to the walls, on the east and north sides of the chancel, being a 
mound of not less than 2| feet above the chamfered base course. It 
would be seen that this mound did not exist on the south side. The 
eastern wall bulged externally in a most dangerous manner ; the south 
wall, also, at the east end, being a few inches out of the perpendicular, 


whilst all the walls were propped by short buttresses, two on each side, 
of modern erection. The east and north walls appeared to be destitute 
of mortar, the bonding material being only clay, which poured from the 
joints in dust, wherever the external pointing was removed. The 
eastern window was manifestly modern, at least in its head, which con- 
sisted of two round arches cut in one stone, but, on examination, the 
mullion and jambs would appear to be of a remoter date. The small 
window in the south wall of the chancel would be at once recognized as 
in its original state, with internal splay and arch complete ; the light 
four feet in height by six inches wide ; the window opposite being of 
similar character, but with the arch of the splay replaced by a wooden 
lintel. The results of an examination were as follows : 

The southern wall was found to be very strong, built with the best 
lime of the district, mixed with pounded brick and charcoal, as well as 
sand, and thoroughly grouted through. This wall was manifestly in its 
original state, but leaned a little outwards. The east and north walls 
were cemented with clay mud, very few throughs being inserted, owing 
to the want of which the exterior and interior of the walls had parted 
in distinct leaves, with a wide hollow between. Built up into these 
walls were found the arch stones complete of the internal round splay 
of the north chancel window, noticed above as headed with a wooden 
lintel, the stones being so perfect, both in number and form, that they 
were immediately set up on the ground, forming an arch of three feet . 
in diameter, corresponding exactly with the existing arches on the south 
side. There were found also, built up in the walls, four arch stones of 
precisely similar design, but giving a segment, by measurement, of twice 
the width, a round arch of six feet diameter without doubt, a portion 
of the ancient Saxon window of the east end. There were found also 
two or three fragments of early English work, and portions of trefoil- 
headed window lights, of debased execution. The removal of the east 
and north walls was continued downwards, until a point was reached 
where the mud walls suddenly ceased, the masonry below, down to the 
foundation, being of precisely similar character to the south wall, a 
lime-grouted wall, strong and good. The point where the mud wall 
ceased was found to coincide exactly with the level of the mound out- 
side, and at the point of junction appeared a layer of vegetable matter, 
turfy and fibrous. On this large stones had been laid, as for a founda- 
tion, and the mud walls hastily and insecurely run up. The mound 
outside was found to consist of stones and lime rubbish. The roof 
timbers were thoroughly good, though of antiquated construction, being 
of oak ; the roof, of the grey slate of the district, hung in the usual 


ancient style, with sheep-shank bones. These being the facts, as disclosed 
in the process of removal of the walls, I venture to deduce a few ideas 
as to the history of this church in past times. 

"Without doubt, this ecclesiastical establishment is of very ancient 
foundation. The name of the patron Saint, and the appellation of the 
village itself, 1 point to a Saxon origin, confirmed by the peculiar features 
of the original fabric still remaining in the church. Without question, 
the incursions of unquiet Scots, fierce Border wars, and the passing and 
repassing of hostile armies, would occasionally keep the rectors of the 
patrimony of St. Edmund on the tiptoe of unpleasant expectation ; but 
its very obscurity, and its distance from the regular line of march, would 
preserve Edmundbyers from the fate of Hexham. And probably the 
chancel, however ancient, did not fall into entire ruin until the troublous 
times of the seventeenth century, of which Mickleton has preserved so 
striking a pictui'e under Edmundbyers. 2 The destruction of the roof pro- 
duced its certain result. "Weather and neglect at last affected the very 
masonry. This the mound of rubbish against the east and north walls 
sufficiently testifies; the south wall, having the benefit of the sun, had 
remained drier, and better resisted the progress of decay. Thus the 
walls lay in a heap of ruin, which, as years passed by, became covered 
with a verdant shroud, burying the foundations of the ancient walls, 
but also conducing to their partial preservation. Nature was more 
careful of the holy spot than man! On the retuin of order, exile 
though his revenues be, the rector enters on the work of restoration. 
The stones, indeed, are at hand, lying in ruinous heaps ; but lime 
is dear, won with trouble at a distance ; and labour must be paid 
for, therefore labour must be saved. Hence the foundations were 
not cleared ; but the wall appears to have been commenced from the 
undisturbed surface of the ruin, as evidenced by the layer of vegetable 
matter at the junction of the ancient and modern walls. On this very 
rough stones were laid for a foundation, the real foundation still existing 
below; and a wall three feet in thickness was hastily run up, the place 
of mortar being supplied by clay, with which, and small rubble stones, 
the inside of the wall was loosely packed. These walls were not very 

1 " Adam Bruntoft holds Edmundbircs for his service in the forest, as is contained 
in the charter which he has thereof" BoldonBook. He sold his land at "Pethunes- 
hak, nigh Edinundesbyres," reserving service. 3 Sttrtees, 363. 

2 Tune postea, tempera usurpacionis, fuerunt predicatores sen dicentes, etiam sojpe 
in uno eodemque die predieantes contra ac contradicentes unus alteri in religione, 

Anabaptistse, Independentes, Tremulatores, Milienarii, ac quorum principulis 

fuit Thomas Tillum, primus docens anabaptismata in liiis borialibus partibus, et lioyer 
qui hie aliquibus aiiuis vbdt Presbyterianus. 


artistically built, hardly any throughs or bonding stones being used ; 
the consequence of which, and the use of clay for mortar must 
have speedily become apparent, in the parting of the east wall, 
the outer surface of which at last projected in a most alarming man- 
ner. The original north window was re-erected, but the internal 
arch replaced by a wooden lintel, the arch stones having, probably, 
been incautiously overlooked by ignorant labourers, and built up in the 
walls before their loss was discovered. No attempt at all seems to 
have been made to restore the ancient east window, of which also four 
arch stones were found built up ; but the window then inserted appears 
to have been an Elizabethan mullioned window, of two lights, having 
rude trefoil-heads under a square frame. This has been subsequently 
churchwardenized by the substitution of two round heads cut in one 
stone, of most ordinary execution. But, if the rector of that day found 
himself compelled to confine his expenses in the walls, he was wise 
enough to secure a good roof, the timber of all kinds, principals, ribs, 
and spars, even to the laths for slating, being of most excellent oak. 
This oak is said to have been cut in the neighbourhood ; and in the 
woods between Edmundbyers and Muggleswick, may still be seen the 
stools of what must have been magnificent oak trees. The tie-beams, 
of which there are two, are not, I am told, of oak, but, as I am informed 
by a competent authority, of larch, grown in a mountainous district 
and slowly : whatever the wood, they are extremely hard and sound. 
No new roof timber at all has been required in the restoration of the 
church. The stone of which the original fabric is built, is not of quar- 
ried stone, but has been gained from the fell, where large masses of the 
same quality, a coarse grained freestone, lie scattered on the surface, or 
half buried. Of this a fine stone for dressing, and of most durable 
quality all the hewn stone in the building is composed, whilst many of 
the walling stones are of another description, also derived from the fell, 
but quite unsuitable for cutting, having been subjected to volcanic ac- 
tion, and thereby partially or wholly vitrified. These have been shaped 
rudely with the hammer, nearly square, and set in the face of the wall 
with wide joints. There is, in the immediate outskirts of the village, a 
quarry of most excellent fine-grained freestone, but this does not appear 
to have been used in the original building, and possibly was then un- 
known ; whilst the fell stones lay about in great abundance. 

The mortar used in the Saxon building is composed of lime of a 
quality much superior to the ordinary lime of the district known as 
the Stanhope lime, being derived from what is called the "fell top lime- 
stone," which occurs in small beds, and is found in places difficult of 


access. This is little, if at all, inferior for building purposes, to the 
magnesian limestone, so abundant in other districts of the diocese. It 
is dark in colour, and has been burnt with wood, the charcoal being 
still incorporated with it, and, apparently, has had added to it, besides 
sand, a small quantity of pounded brick. In this last respect, I believe, 
it resembles the grouted mortar used in the Roman buildings of this 
country, and certainly possesses in a great degree its characteristic of 
extreme hardness, being often more difficult of fracture than the stone 
itself. The mortar in the rubbish heaps is of the same nature, but de- 
cayed. There are not here, as in some churches of the north, any tokens 
of destruction by fire, nor any thing to indicate the action of any agent 
but neglect. The removal of the rubbish heaps outside may yet yield 
some objects of interest ; and I may remark, in conclusion, that what 
points of remote antiquity still attach to this little church, have now 
been religiously preserved; and it is only to be regretted that a similar 
regard was not paid to it on the occasion of previous repairs, when, 
amongst other acts, we have to lament the destruction, in the chancel, 
of the Saxon doorway. However, what does remain to us of the Christian 
architecture of our Saxon forefathers is the more to be cherished and 





THE Roman coins, and the bronze vessel in which they were contained, 
now exhibited to the Society, constitute " The Thorngrafton Find," 
described in Dr. Brace's History of the Roman Wall, p. 416, 2nd 

The imperial coins are of nine Emperors Claudius, Nero, Galba, 
Otho, Vespasian, Domitian, Nerva, Trajan, and Hadrian being 53 in 
number 3 of them of gold and 50 of silver; and there are, besides 
these, 10 consular and family coins. The earliest of the imperial coins 
is a gold coin of Claudius, and the latest 4 silver coins of Hadrian. It 
may be worth while to devote a short space to the examination of the 
earliest and the latest of these coins. 

Birago, the acute and laborious Italian numismatist, in his work upon 
the coins of the Roman Emperors, published at Milan in 1683, minutely 
describes all these coins. He ascribes to this coin of Claudius the date 
of the 50th year of the Christian era, the legend on the obverse con- 
tains a diffuse enumeration of the titles of Claudius : 

" Titus Claudius Caasar, Augustus, Germanicus, Pontifex Maximus, 
Tribunitia? Protestatis, Pater Patrise." 

On the reverse, in the language of Birago, is " Caput juvenile Nero- 
nis," with this legend 

"Nero Claudius Caesar, Drusus, Germanicus, Princeps Juventutis." 

VOL. III. 2 N 


This coinage took place when Claudius adopted Nero, then thirteen 
3'ears of age, and gave him, amongst other titles, that of " Princeps 

The four coins of Hadrian are fresh from the mint, and unworn by 
circulation, they mark the date of the deposit. 

The legend of the obverse of all of them is the same : " Imperator 
Csesar Trajanus Hadrianus Augustus." On the reverse of the first in 
date is the legend "P.M. TB. P. cos. n." which we read "Pontifex 
Maximus, Tribunitias Potestatis, Consul II.;" with the figure of Piety, 
and the word " Pietas," in the field. To this coinage Birago ascribes 
the date of 118. 

The remaining three coins of Hadrian are of his third consulate ; and 
one of them being a duplicate, they contain only two varieties. Hadrian 
was designated a third time consul in the year 119, and Birago assigns 
to this coinage the date of 121, the year after Hadrian's expedition into 
Britain. He describes the figure on the reverse of one them as 
"Victoria cum Trophseo;" and that on the reverse of the other as 
"Figura sedens, dextra Pateram, sinistra Cornucopiam ;" and below it 
are the letters "FEL. P.R.," (Felicitas Populi Romani). An inspection 
of the coins proves the accuracy of the description given of them by the 
Italian numismatist. 

Inasmuch as there is no record of the " Thorngrafton Find" on the 
proceedings of this Society, a brief narrative of the circumstances of the 
find, and the subsequent history of its produce, may not be out of place. 

Between the stations of Borcovicus and JEsica, the Boman Wall is 
built on a range of basaltic precipices ; parallel with this range and 
with the Wall, and at a distance never exceeding a mile south of the 
Wall, runs a ridge of freestone in which quarries have been opened at 
different points by the Romans, for the purpose of obtaining the stones 
used in building the Wall; and these quarries were naturally closed 
when that work was done. The requirements of the country did not 
render it necessary to re-open them, until the country itself was opened 
by the formation of the Newcastle and Carlisle Railway. The writer of 
these notes saw one of these Roman quarries, on this ridge of freestone, 
opened in the year 1844, bearing on its face the impress of the 6th 
Legion : "Legio Sexta Victrix." In the year 1837, another of these 
quarries was opened out upon the hill of Borcum, a prominent feature of 
the freestone ridge referred to, at the distance of a mile or thereabouts 
from the Roman W^all, and something more from the station of Borcovicus. 

On the 9th of August, 1837, Thomas Pattison, a quarryman employed 
in working this quarry for the purposes of the Newcastle and Carlisle 


Railway, found in a crevice of the freestone rock, the bronze vessel now 
produced, with the coins which were in it, he hore off and kept the 
prize. He was induced to show the coins to our antiquarian friend, Mr. 
Fairless of Hexham, and, through him, to the late Mr. John Kirsopp, 
the magistrate there, who presented him with a sovereign on the occasion. 

On these premises, the quarryman founded his calculation of the value 
of his prize. He argued, " If one gentleman gives a sovereign for an in- 
spection of the coins, 1,000 gentlemen must necessarily give 1,000 
sovereigns, and I shall still hold the coins: ergo, the coins are worlh 
more than 1,000." Having formed this estimate of the value, he came 
down to this town, to the late Mr. Brockett, the eminent coin collector, 
who did not confirm his notion of value ; he then proceeded to Hart- 
hum, and submitted them to our late inestimable colleague, Mr. Hodg- 
son the historian, who examined the coins and classified them for the 
owner, and from this inspection supplied the description of them 
contained in the Gentleman's Magazine of December, 1837. The greenish 
leather, or vellum, in which Mr. Hodgson describes the gold coins as 
being wrapped, is still, as then, tough and strong. Thomas Pattison 
then proceeded to Alnwick Castle, for the purpose of treating with the 
late Duke of Northumberland for the disposal of the coins, and im- 
pressed with the importance of his mission, he desired a personal inter- 
view with His Grace ; which failing to obtain, he returned home with 
his treasure. 

These gold and silver coins, found, under the circumstances above 
stated, in the township of Thorngrafton, in the barony of Wark, clearly 
came within the legal definition of treasure trove ; and the learned 
steward of that barony proceeded, as he was in duty bound, to vindicate 
the rights of its lord. He took the only course that was open to him, 
he brought an action of trover against Pattison, the finder. The de- 
fendant suffered judgment by default, he could not do otherwise, as he 
had no ground of defence; and on the 15th of December, 1837, the 
damages were assessed by a jury, assembled at Hay don bridge, at 18 
which was proved to be the value of the coins. 

This led to the publication of an able and very interesting tract upon 
the Law of Treasure Trove from the pen of the steward of the Barony of 
"Wark, our valued friend, Mr. Fenwick. Early in the year of 1838, the 
quarryman, Thomas Pattison, to avoid the operation of the law, placed 
the vessel and coins in the hands of his brother, Edward Pattison, and 
fled into "Wales where the process of the law followed him, until he 
escaped from it under the Insolvent Act. 


He afterwards returned to Northumberland, and died at his brother's 
house at High Onsett, near Halt-whistle, on the 20th of June, 1844. 

The brother, Edward Pattison, an honest, industrious Northumbrian 
peasant, but incapable of appreciating the Law of Treasure Trove, had 
imbibed the same notion of the value of the coins which were enter- 
tained by the finder ; and he has adhered to them with equal tenacity. 
Both of the brothers have fully established their title to be classed 
amongst those men who are " tenaces propositi." These coins have re- 
posed for twenty years in the cottage of E. Pattison, and Mr. Fairless 
has been indulged with an occasional inspection of them ; the honest 
simplicity of his character, and his earnest love for antiquities, won the 
confidence of the owner of the coins, who began by degrees to entertain 
a more rational view of their value; and on the 5th of November, 1858, 
the writer became by purchase proprietor of them. 

These coins are valuable only from their association with the Roman 
"Wall and the neighbouring stations on it. A comparison of the stone of 
which the "Wall and its mile-castles are built, with the stone of the quarry 
in which the coins were found, will show the identity of the two ; this 
comparison will most readily be made with the massive voussoirs of the 
arch of the gateway of the Housesteads mile-castle, which have been so 
long excluded from the air by the debris above them, that they have 
great appearance of freshness. "When the legions of Hadrian had com- 
pleted the Wall, this quarry, which they had ceased to use, became an 
unfrequented spot, and has been chosen as a safe receptacle for this 

The writer of these Notes felt it to be due to the Lord of the Barony 
of "Wark, the noble Patron of this Society, to submit to his Grace's de- 
cision the question, WTio should le the future Proprietor of the Thorn- 
grafton Find ? That decision was promptly given, and was in accord- 
ance with the generous and exalted character of that nobleman. 




*^* The principal types comprising the Thorngrafton Find were en- 
graved, from impressions in gutta percha taken by Mr. Fairless, at the 
expense of Mr. Fenwick, for Dr. Brace's Roman Wall, and by the per- 
mission of those gentlemen, the cuts are used below. 







NEBO. Same type as the second example in gold. 












These Consular and Family Coins have been a good deal worn by cir- 
circulation ; more perfect specimens of them are in the collection of his 
Grace the Duke of Northumberland, at Alnwick Castle, as may be seen 
by reference to the description of that fine collection by Admiral Smyth. 



I BEG permission to make a few remarks upon an interesting paper 
read at the last Monthly Meeting of this Society by Lord Ravensworth, 
whom I rejoice to see in the chair on this occasion, as his lordship will 
have an opportunity of hearing what I have to say upon the subject, 
and, if he shall see reason so to do, of re-considering one at least of the 
opinions which he was kind enough to bring before the Society in con- 
nection with that paper. I have thought it best to put my notions 
in writing, for both your sake and my own. To you, much valuable 
time may thus be spared, and with respect to myself, I shall be the 
better able to state, in a clear and succinct way, one or two ideas which 
have struck me upon reading his lordship's essay in the local news- 

There is, it appears, at Chillingham Castle, a chimneypiece formed 
out of a block of stone, in a portion of which, whilst it was in prepara- 
tion for the purpose to which it was intended to be converted, was found 
a nidus or cavity containing a living toad. Accounts agree in reporting 
that this chimneypiece stood for a long period of time in the entrance 
hall of the castle, with the cavity remaining in the state in which it had 

1 Our volume ends with the subject of its commencement. The hand of death has 
been heavy in 1858. The late Dr. Raine proposed to inspect the inscriptions at 
Chillingham, to which the excellent paper which is given above refers, and to revise 
his essay in accordance with their date so ascertained. The lamentable decay of his 
health prevented his intended journey. His words now can only be given as they 
were read at our anniversary meeting, but they possess a high interest as almost his 
last literary effort and for their admirable delineations of character. 

To Lord Ravens worth's abandonment, in page 1, of the theory which connected 
Bishop Cosin with the inscriptions, it need only be added that it was founded on a 
tradition that a Bishop of Durham was their author, on the prominent character of 
the first Lord Grey, and on the mention of Harvey, who died in 1657. 

The Editor, from such information as he has received, is inclined to believe thai 
the inscriptions are really of the first half of the seventeenth century, and a statement 
of Dr. Raine's opinion of their authorship, on a similar assumption, shall conclude his 
paper, in brackets. 

That the want of evidence, for one date or another, produced so valuable an essay, 
is one of those satisfactory results which are often consequent upon difficulties arising 
from antiquarian subjects of a secondary importance. ED. 

VOL. in. 2 o 


been discovered ; but that afterwards it was removed into another apart- 
ment in the same fabric, in which it now remains, and the cavity was 
filled up with plaster, or some such material. 2 But whether the precise 
locality of this said cavity can now be traced or not, it does not appear ; 
neither is it of importance to my present purpose. Before the removal 
of the stone into the room in which it is now preserved, it further ap- 
pears that there was, and still continues to be, over it, or near it, upon 
a tablet of wood, a rude painting of a toad, in figure considerably above 
the ordinary size. According to his lordship's account, the toad is de- 
picted in its natural colour upon a white background interlaced and 
garnished with snakes ; and on each side of the toad, either upon other 
tablets, or upon a continuation of that containing the animal itself, (his 
lordship's paper is not quite clear upon this point, which after all is 
of but little consequence), are inscriptions in white [gilt] letters, upon 
a black ground, of which his lordship was kind enough to submit to 
the Society copies, accompanied by translations, and a commentary to 
make them intelligible. The writer of these two inscriptions, Lord 
Ravensworth, for certain reasons which are brought forward, takes to 
have been Bishop Cosin, who presided over the see of Durham from 
1660 to 1673 ; and the person spoken of in one of them as a hero to 
have been the first Lord Grey of Wark, who died in 1674. With the 
inscriptions themselves I propose not at present to meddle, as I may 
have somewhat to say of them before I bring my remarks to a close. 
My object is, in the first place to enquire whether, all things considered, 
Bishop Cosin could possibly have been the writer of these inscriptions 
as the noble lord has somewhat more than conjectured ; whether, in truth, 
they do not belong to a much later period. And then, if there shall ap- 
pear to be somewhat of plausibility in my facts and reasonings, it will 
be my business to oifer a few suggestions with respect to the person from 
whose pen they may in reality have proceeded. 

In the first place, there is very strong internal evidence that these in- 
scriptions could not have been written by Bishop Cosin. To his most 
valuable theological writings, which are well known nay, which are, as 
it were, text books to every one who has had occasion to study the his- 
tory of the Church in general, or that of England in particular it 
would hardly perhaps be fair or reasonable to have recourse in proof of 
his character as that of a man not given to indulge in such levities as 
these. His published writings are professedly upon grave subjects, in 
which, as he was no Bishop Latimer or Dr. South, it would be in vain 
to look for wit or humour but, happily, there are other sources of in- 

2 See page 174. ED. 


Formation with respect to him, and the workings of his daily mind, to 
which I may, I think, reasonably and legitimately refer in aid of my 
argument. Among the hundreds of letters written by him, which I 
have had an opportunity of seeing, not only during his episcopate, but 
from a very early period of his life, I can fairly say that I have met 
with nothing in the shape of a joke nothing of literary trifling like this, 
or even of the most harmless kind. Surely, if anywhere, one might 
expect to find in a man's letters such a man at least as Bishop Cosin, 
with all his stores of learning letters written during a long period of 
forty years upon the most varied subjects some outbursts of wit or hu- 
mour, if wit or humour had been component parts of his mind some 
indication of the playful spirit with which he must have taken up his 
pen to write all this pompous nonsense about a toad in a hole. But on 
the very contrary, throughout the whole of his correspondence, all is 
stiff and severe satirical now and then, and not unfrequently some- 
thing more than this exceedingly rough and rude and testy especially 
(what makes not a little for my argument) during the period in which 
he presided over the see of Durham (I mean from 1660 to 1673) a 
period during which he was scarcely for a single day free from the most 
excruciating pain, arising from an internal disorder, which, happily for 
us, the surgical skill of the present day could have speedily and effectu- 
ally removed. Such were the bishop's sufferings from the complaint to 
which I have referred, that, as I have reason to believe, he officially 
visited the Northumbrian portion of his diocese only once in person, 
during the thirteen years of his episcopate, his other visitations having 
been conducted under a commission for that purpose ; and surely there is 
every fair and legitimate reason to conclude that he would hardly upon 
that one occasion, under such painful circumstances, (if even he had 
been admitted into Chillingham Castle as a guest,) have been in a con- 
dition to play the fool, and compose what we may call a laborious 
enigma upon a toad, if even there had been any wit about him in his 
healthy hours. 

But I must proceed a step further, and venture to express my opinion 
that neither was the first Lord Grey of Wark a person with whom our 
bishop could have been at his ease ; nor was the bishop himself a man 
whom Lord Grey could possibly have received into his house without 
the most painful recollections of his own grievous disloyalty to his 
sovereign, and his long persecution of this very man to whom he was 
thus offering his bread and salt. I may illustrate the precise position 
in which the peer and the prelate had long stood with reference to each 
other, by what once happened to myself in an official capacity. In 


granting probate of a will, not long ago, I observed that two executors 
were named in it ; and as one of them only appeared before me, I na- 
turally enquired of the man who was present, what had become of his 
colleague, especially as there had been presented to me no renunciation 
of the office under hand and seal. " Sir," said the man, with a sort of 
half-smile, "he'll appear to morrow. "We could not possibly walk up 
the street together. Just now, Sir, we're chalk and ink." Lord Grey 
and Bishop Cosin had been, as it were, chalk and ink for many a long 
year. Lord Grey had been an open and most violent partizan of the 
usurper Cromwell one of the six peers who passed the act of attainder 
which led to the beheading of Archbishop Laud, one of the bishop's most 
intimate friends and, moreover, one of the party who had voted down 
the Book of Common Prayer and the Church of England one of a party 
which had driven Bishop Cosin into the long banishment of nearly 
twenty years from his preferment and his country. 

And then, again, would the bishop have so far belied his true feel- 
ings as to have called the Lord Grey of his day a hero (for this word 
occurs in the first line of the second inscription), when, in plain English, 
he had been nothing more or better than an open (and for a while a suc- 
cessful) rebel, and had carried his hostility to his true sovereign so far 
as to have been mainly instrumental in bringing him to the scaffold ? 
Bishop Cosin knew well the previous history of Lord Grey of Wark ; he 
had had good reason to remember it, and most assuredly, as he was an 
honest man, the word hero could never have fallen from his pen as de- 
scriptive of such a person. Lord Grey was among the first to cringe 
and sue out his pardon upon the restoration of the lawful King of 
England ; but, if he had any shame left, he would have been the last to 
have invited the aged Bishop of Durham to his house ; and most assuredly 
he would have been the very last man in the world whom this high and 
right-minded prelate could have visited with anything like pleasure or 

Who was it, then, who composed the Chillingham inscriptions ? This 
is a question to which I feel myself unable at present to give anything 
like a positive answer ; but, if I am not much mistaken, I think I can 
supply the name of the person by whom that referring to the toad was 
first placed where it now stands ; and, as the two are unquestionably by 
the same hand, we may fairly assume the same period for the erection of 
the other, and reduce our enquiry into the name of their writer to 
the middle of the eighteenth century, a full hundred years after the 
period of Bishop Cosin and Lord Grey of Wark. 

The first of our Northumbrian historians to make mention of the toad 


and its inscription, is Mr. "Wallis, whose book was published in 1769; 
and in his second volume, p. 488, we have the following statement- 
" In one of the ground rooms," says Mr. Wallis, " is a marble chimney- 
piece, wherein a live toad was discovered in sawing the block in two : 
the nidus of the toad visible, till plastered over by the order of the late 
Lord Tankerville. In the same room is a painting of it, from which 
the late Mr. "Warburton took a drawing, and prefixed to it the following 
verses." And then he proceeds to give a copy of the inscription as it 
now stands. 

Now it must be confessed that there is here somewhat of difficulty in 
ascertaining the precise meaning of Mr. Wallis' s words. It is clear that 
Warburton took a drawing of the toad as it then existed ; but does the 
historian mean that he ( Warburton) prefixed to this his drawing the in- 
scription here spoken of, having copied from the board or tablet on 
which it had been previously inscribed, or does he intend us to under- 
stand that he (the said Warburton) placed this inscription near the toad, 
as something new which had not been there before ? This difficulty 
would probably disappear in a moment upon an examination of the 
paintings themselves, or even from a faithful copy of them. In the 
meantime, I am strongly inclined to coincide with the latter opinion, 
viz., that the inscription was first placed in its present position by War- 
burton ; and if such was in truth the case, it may be worth our while 
to devote a few more words to the subject. 

The late Mr. Warburton, of whom Mr. Wallis speaks, could, I think, 
have been no other than John Warburton, Somerset Herald in the Col- 
lege of Arms, who died in 1 759, just ten years before the publication of 
Wallis's History, and who had been much in Northumberland from 
1716 ( in which year he published a map of the county from a personal 
survey) down to the very time of his death. In 1751, as it appears, he 
was an active coadjutor in forming the military road along the line of 
the Roman Wall from Newcastle to Carlisle; and in 1753 he gained to 
himself a notoriety, with which his name will be for ever disgracefully 
associated, as a wholesale pilferer from Horsley's magnificent work, the 
Britannia Romana, the substance and very essence of which he coolly 
made his own, and presented to the world in a book to which he gave the 
title of " Vallum Romanum" If, then, the inscription upon the toad 
first made its appearance in this man's hands, and was by him placed 
near the object to which it refers, and where it now remains, a question 
immediately arises, was he its writer ? This question must, I think, be 
answered in the negative. The two compositions (for they must be 
taken together as the work of one pen) betray a no small amount of 


reading and scholarship. Full of quibbles and points and mysterious 
allusions, they, no doubt (as was remarked at your last meeting), must 
have sadly puzzled the ordinary class of persons by whom they must 
have been read from time to time ; but now, thanks to Lord Ravens- 
worth, they are no longer Sybilline books or sealed tablets, but have 
received every thing of satisfactory elucidation which they deserve, and 
perhaps somewhat more. Now, under such circumstances, from the 
character which has come down to us of Warburton and his literary at- 
tainments, it seems pretty clear to me that he could not have been the 
writer of these inscriptions. Toms, a very intimate friend of his, tells us 
that " he had great natural abilities, but no education." Captain Grose, 
a gentleman to whom we antiquaries are apt to look up with great re- 
spect, and at whose portrait we may look with a secret wish never to be 
afflicted ourselves with such obesity as it manifests, says Warburton was 
ignorant, not only of the Latin but of his native language. These 
testimonies go far, I think, to settle the point of authorship against 
Warburton. It seems to me that he could not have been the man to 
have mystified Northumberland in this way for the long period of an 
hundred years, and that we have still to look elsewhere for the name of 
the person who has doubtless caused so many sleepless nights to bishops 
and rural incumbents, to say nothing of the lords, and baronets, and 
squires, who have lived under the shadow of the Cheviots. 

Assuming, as I have above said, that these inscriptions are not older 
than Warburton's time, I must beg that the conjectures which I am now, 
in conclusion, going to offer to you, in order to remove the difficulty 
under which it is our misfortune to labour in this enquiry, may be 
taken at just what they are worth I mean, as conjectures, founded 
perhaps upon better grounds than mere conjectures generally are, but 
still as conjectures in the absence at present of anything like certainty. 

In the first place, then, why may not these inscriptions have pro- 
ceeded from the pen of a youth who, about the very period of their com- 
position, must have been already a finished scholar, perfectly equal to 
any such manifestation of laborious humour, as in the year 1758 he 
gained for himself the proud position of Senior Wrangler in the Uni- 
versity of Cambridge. I refer to Robert Thorp, son of the then vicar of 
Chillingham, and himself vicar upon the death of his father, domestic 
chaplain to the Earl of Tankerville (and therefore closely connected 
with the Castle of Chillingham), eventually Archdeacon of Northum- 
berland, and most extensively known in the world of learning as the 
author of an elaborate Commentary upon Newton's Principia. Dr. 
Thorp must, at the time these inscriptions 'were first heard of, have 


been in the very plenitude of youth, in the very joyousness of an ele- 
gantly cultivated mind ; and that he would at that time of his life be 
much under the roof of his father is most certain. 

I proceed to another conjecture, in which it may perhaps appear that 
there is still more of plausibility. There died in 1752, in a cottage at 
the end of Twisell bridge upon the Till, in the parish of Norham, 
not far from Chillingham Castle, a quack doctor of the name of James 
Purdy, at the age of eighty-one. He was buried in the chapel- 
yard at Cornhill, and in due time there was placed over his grave an 
inscription of which the following is a copy: "Eheu! quis mortis 
jam retardabit falcem ? Archiater ille inclytus, ad pontem Twysili 
Jacobus Purdy non vacat ffigris. Obiit," &c. It proceeds to give 
the names of his wife and niece, and thus concludes : " At bono 
sis animo, viator ; fortasse vivas. Superstes Jacobo viget natus Samuel, 
sub patrio lare artes exercens patrias. Si quaeris sanitatem hunc adi." 

Now I cannot refrain from thinking that this inscription very strongly 
resembles those at Chillingham. It would really appear to me to be the 
product of the same mind. It develops the same rapid turn of thought, 
the same interjectional humour, and it savours not a little of the same 
kind of terse phraseology. There were at that time living in the very 
parish in which this man had died two very remarkable scholars : Sir 
Francis Blake, of Twisell Castle, the owner of the cottage in which 
Purdy had practised his art, a man who took a pleasure in Latin in- 
scriptions, for he devoted a sum of money to the best composition in 
that language in memory of one of his sons, who had died a schoolboy 
at Westminster ; and the other learned person to whom I have alluded 
was Robert Lambe, vicar of Norham, a man who (as Sydney Smith 
once said of Mr. Tate, the Master of Richmond School, in Yorkshire,) 
was literally dripping with Greek and Latin who was, moreover, 
thoroughly saturated with good humour and fun and who, when he 
had no graver matter upon the anvil, could dexterously forge subjects 
of amusement for his neighbourhood and the world at large. His Appen- 
dix to his edition of the old ballad of the Battle of Floddon Field teems 
with discoursive disquisitions upon subjects of the highest interest in 
classical and ancient literature ; and as a proof of his roguery (if I may 
use such a word), he was the clever forger of the pretended old ballad of 
the Laithley Worm of Spindleston Heugh, and the inventor of the 
legend of the stone coffin now lying in fragments in the chapel at Til- 
mouth, in which (upon his sole authority) people believe that once upon 
a time the body of St. Cuthbert floated down the Tweed from Melrose. 
To these two men, for the reasons which I have assigned, I am strongly 


inclined to give the credit of the Chillingham inscriptions ; provided 
always, as I have said, that they are of Warburton's period. Warburton, 
as we know, was a herald, and therefore a painter and limner, and as 
such he would be easily able to ornament them in the way in which we 
find them, it' they do not betray an earlier date in their characteristics. 

I have now only one point more to touch upon before I conclude my 
remarks. In the second inscription, mention is made of a hero, an 
allusion which Lord Ravensworth thinks may fitly refer to the Lord 
Grey of "Wark, in the time of Bishop Cosin. But, at any rate, I think 
we must feel ourselves compelled to dismiss that prelate from our minds 
as the author of these inscriptions ; and if so, we shall stand in no fur- 
ther need at present, of the Lord Grey, who was his contemporary. 
But was there in the Chillingham family any hero, the owner of its 
castle, to whom this word might with propriety have been applied in 
the time of Warburton, by the composer of the inscription in which it 
occurs. I have no difficulty in introducing to you a nobleman who an- 
swers to this description infinitely better than the first Lord Grey of 
"Wark, a man who was a soldier indeed, and not a rebel. Charles, Earl 
of Tankerville, who succeeded to his title and to the Chillingham estate 
in 1753, had entered the army in 1734. In 1739, he was appointed to 
a company in General Wentworth's Regiment of Foot. In 1740, he went 
to the West Indies under Lord Cathcart. In 1741, he was at the attack 
of Fort St. Lazarre, and for his bravery was, on the 30th of April, made 
major of the regiment commanded by Colonel Cotterell. In 1743, he 
was made lieutenant-colonel, with the command of a company of the 
1st Regiment of Foot Guards, under the Duke of Cumberland, the 
colonel. In 1748, he was elected member for Northumberland. 

In conclusion, as far as my present knowledge of the character of 
these inscriptions goes, I must repeat my opinion that they are not 
older than the period of "Warburton. We may perhaps, before long, 
be favoured with accurate drawings of these tablets, which will 
go far to establish their real date and in the mean time, I would 
venture to suggest that it might perhaps be expedient for the Society to 
consider the propriety of withholding Lord Ravens worth's very valuable 
translations and comments as it really does appear that, whoever may 
have been the writer of these inscriptions, it could by no means have 
been Bishop Cosin. If they do in reality belong to the period of the 
first Lord Grey of Wark, I think I could at once suggest the name of 
the person from whose pen they must have proceeded, and in whose 
eyes Lord Grey would be a ' hero.' 

In the course of my remarks I have had occasion to introduce to 


your notice Robert Lambe, who became vicar of Norham, now upwards 
of a century ago. I have said that he was an excellent scholar ; and 
I think I may venture to wind up this somewhat dull disquisition by an 
anecdote respecting him of an amusing kind, which goes far to prove 
that he was by no means free from what is not uufrequently a com- 
panion of talent and habits of deep thought I mean an absence of mind 
in worldly matters, even of the most personal and tender kind. The 
tale has not yet, as far as I know, appeared in print, and it has the 
further recommendation to this Society that it is now becoming an an- 
tiquity. I had it from the widow of his successor in the living, now 
forty years ago. 

Lambe was, I believe, a Durham man. He had been a minor canon 
in the cathedral, and was preferred by the Dean and Chapter to his 
vicarage. He had not been long settled at Norham before he began to 
feel the want of a wife ; and along with the want came the recollection 
of a young woman who resided in Durham, of the name of Philadelphia 
Nelson, the daughter of a -well known carrier between London and 
Edinburgh, and a female of high character and respectability, upon 
whom he was not long in settling his affections. The result was a pro- 
posal by letter ; and in due time the lovesick vicar was accepted. 
Another request was then made, which, even to the carrier's daughter, 
must, I think, have appeared to be of somewhat an unusual kind : " I 
cannot leave my parish to "come to you. I really wish you would put 
yourself into one of your father's waggons, and come down to me. I 
will meet you on such a day at Berwick ; but as I want our meeting 
to be as private as possible, and as I have no very distinct recollection 
of your personal appearance, I have to propose that you will meet me 
upon the pier there, with a tea-caddy under your arm, to prevent any 
chance of mistake." There was then living in Berwick a person of the 
name of Howe, who had risen to high rank in the navy, and who, thrice 
a day, for the sake of exercise, walked to the end of this said pier, and 
then returned home to his meals. One day, before dinner, the gallant 
old admiral met in his walk a young woman with a tea-caddy under her 
arm, who, as he saw at once, was a stranger ; but he took no further 
notice of the matter. Before tea, after an interval of three or four 
hours, he met in the same place the same person walking up and down 
with the tea-caddy under her arm, and looking townwards with an 
anxious eye ; but still he spoke not neither did she. Late in the 
evening, the admiral went out for his third and concluding walk ; and, 
sure enough, there was the self-same female, no longer walking up and 
vol. in. 2 T 


down with the tea-caddy, but sitting upon a stone, fairly worn out, 
with the tea-caddy beside her, and apparently anxiously wishing to be 
spoken to, that she might have an opportunity of telling her tale of dis- 
tress. The admiral's gallantry was touched by her beseeching eye. He 
addressed her, and heard her tale of Lambe, and his breach of promise to 
meet her there on that very day, and make her his wife at Norham. 
" Ha !" said he, " Robin Lambe is a great friend of mine. This is just 
like him. He has forgot all about it ; but he'll make you a capital hus- 
band. Come home with me, young woman, and you shall be kindly 
treated for the night." The girl, nothing fearing, complied. In the 
morning he put her into a coach, and went along with her to Norham. 
Lambe blushed and apologized ; and the two were married a few days 
afterwards the admiral giving the bride away. The poor girl died in 
childbed of her first child a daughter who became in dne time the 
wife of a gentleman in Berwickshire ; and her descendants are now nu- 
merous and respectable. It was to occupy his mind after the death of 
his wife, that Lambe, as he tells us, prepared his edition of the ballad 
of Floddon Field, of which I have above spoken. 


L*x* And now it is right to state what Dr. Raine's view of the- 
orship of the strange compositions at Chillingham, supposing them to- 
range from 1600 to 1650, was. There lived (he told me) at that time,, 
but one man to whom they could be ascribed, one who was intimately 
connected with the Grey family, and who could perform his task before 
the rage of civil dudgeon separated Lord Grey from the respect of his 
brother's learned master. The pages of Dr. Raine's own work on North 
Durham, and of Brand's Newcastle, furnish the following notice of the 
Newcastle worthy to whom allusion is made. 

Amor Oxley was the fourth son of Mr. Amor Oxley who died at Mor- 
peth in 1609, leaving ten children, of whom one only (Thomas) was of 
age and was probably at the above period a schoolmaster in the neigh- 
bourhood of Chillingham. In 1623, Sir Ralph Grey died, and his son 
Sir William Grey, who was created Lord Grey of Wark in that year, 
became head of the house of Chillingham. In that same year, Sir 
Ralph's widow, by her will, gave her sons Robert and Edward Grey 
and their portions, to trustees, with an injunction that they should le 


taught by Amor Oxley, who was to have 20/. per annum for his pains. 
Dame Dorothy Grey's will however was not proved until 163,0, and long 
before her death the boys had become of age and were their own mas- 
ters, the celebrated Dr. Robert Grey having been born in 1610. That 
he was educated by Amor Oxley after he quitted the excellent school of 
Northallerton, where he had delivered an address to James I. in 1617, is 
considered as certain. In 1630, Oxley was ordained priest, and about 
1637, he was master of the Grammar School of Newcastle. In the con- 
flict between monarchy and democracy, Lord Grey espoused the cause 
of the people and acted as lieutenant-general under Fairfax, but refused 
to go with the Earl of Rutland in 1643, to invite the Scots to enter 
England in pursuance of an order of the Commons. For this offence he 
was committed to the Tower. Harry Martin had a while before moved 
that Scotland should be repaid for its assistance by assigning to it the 
counties of Northumberland and Cumberland ; and that if this were not 
enough of recompense, two other northern counties should be given into 
the bargain. The proposal was not agreed to, but Lord Grey might have 
his fears for the result of a similar motion when the Scots had crossed 
the Border. Lord Grey appears to have been soon released, for in 1644 
he was one of six peers who passed the ordinance of attainder against 
Archbishop Laud. His brother John Grey was a colonel for the Par- 
liament, and was sl.'iin in Ireland ; but Robert, to whom Amor Oxley's 
brother Thomas addressed a letter in 1637, as his "much honoured 
friend," stood stoutly by his king and the constitution. In 1645, Amor 
Oxley was displaced from Newcastle school for his loyalty, by an order 
of the Lords and Commons. After his sequestration he suffered the 
greatest distress. In 1656, the Common Council voted him 40?. in part 
of his arrears due to him' at the time of his discharge, and even for this 
tardy and partial return to honesty, the Council give as a reason that it 
was " in consideration of the great wants and necessities and poverty 
and indigent condition of the said Amor Oxley." His successor had 
been appointed with a salary of the same sum. 

In 1662, he was restored to his school, with a salary of 100?. ; in 1665, 
he obtained the vicarage of Kirknewton in addition, and in 1669 he died. 
By his will of that year, he desires to be buried at the entrance of the 
quire of Saint Nicholas, near his wife To his church of Kirknewton 
he gave 2QI., a fair green carpet and a suit of linen cloths for the com- 
munion table. In exchange for the communion cup, his executors were 
to supply a handsome silver chalice with a handsome silver plate for the 
bread, and to exchange two of his own pewter flaggons for two new 
pewter flaggons for the church. The library of the free school in New- 
castle had shared the fate of his own when the town was stormed and 
plundered by the Scottish army ; both were lost. He therefore bequeaths 
several classical and patriotic works towards a library for the school. 
To Mr. Edward Lumsden, who [who had been his usher at Newcastle 
in 1637 and] was now schoolmaster of Morpcth, he gives 40s., aud his 
canonical coats, and to Sir [Robert] Grey who had come in the same capa- 
city, 40s. And then we have the interesting bequests : " To my dear 


friend Doctor Grey, one interlineal Hebrew, Greek and Latin Bible in 
folio, and one new Greek Testament of Steevens' print in folio : To my 
cousin Amor Wills my best cloak and best suit, which I desire him to 
keep to be worn by him only at the funeral of friends." He seals with 
a chevron between three oxen passant, and mentions his nephews Charlea 
and Amor Oxley. In 1692, one Amor Oxley, the rector of Chicknal 
St. James, Essex, was buried there. For the interesting will of Lord 
Grey, after his return to loyalty, I must refer to Dr. flame's North 
Durham. ED.] 



Abbot, Thomas, 253 

Acomb of Newcastle, 183 

Adamson of Newcastle, vi., 98 

Adwick, 78 

Aiskew chapel, 24 

Aitkin of Newcastle, 44 

Albini family, 131 

Aldenestone, Edward de, 156 

Alnwick, 111, 161, 204, 206, 217, 224, 
237; abbey, 132, 144; barony, 130; 
castle, 133, 140; church, 128 

Alpendache, Richard, 155 

Alston moor, men of, 214 

Amble, sepulchral remains at, 36 

Anabaptists, 266 

Anderson of Newcastle, 44 ; Hannah, 
101, 102 ; Robert, 71 

Antediluvian art, 46 

Aper and Rufus, consuls, 40 

Apple, brazen, 256 

Appleton, 22 

Appleyard, Sir Nic., 214, 225, 

Aries, Roman antiquities at, 178 

Armor chapel, 25 

Armstrong, John, 45, 46 

Arncliffe, 123 

Arnot of Woodmilne, 164 

Arrowsmith of Oateshead, 158 

Arthur, king, 117 

Aske family, 28 

Athens, x. 

Athol, Sir Aymer de, brass of, 128 

Atkinson, Ralph, xii. 

Auckland St. Helens, 90 

Auditors, appointment of, 260 [Errat- 
um, For I)unn, read Dees.'] 

Avignon, Roman antiquities at, 176 

Avison of Newcastle, 44 

Awbrey of Brome, 20 ; John, 93 

Aycliffe, 96 

Aydrunken, Adam, 155 

Aynsley of Harnham, 102 

Ay re, Richard, 71 


Baard of Middleton St. George, 103 
Bacon of Staward, 98 
Baffle, meaning of, 207 
Bagby, 22, 23 ; chapel, 23 

VOL. ni. 2 Q. 

Bagpipes, 9, 257 

Bailiffs of Newcastle, nature of, 106 
Bainbrigs of Snotterton, 97 
Baliol family, 29, 73, 78, 79 ; Reginald, 
74 [Rainald Bailgiole, Lord of Bail- 
leul in Gouffem, married the widow of 
Warin the Bald, sheriff of Shropshire, 
and was himself sheriff from about 
1084, until about 1102. He became 
a famous crusader, and in 1119 saw 
his fortress "le chateau Renouard" 
burned to the ground in consequence 
of his treason. We hear no more of 
him, but he had a nephew Hameline, 
whose grant to St. Evroult is attested 
by Rosceline de Baillol. See a full 
account of Rainald in Mr. Eyton's 
elaborate and excellent Antiquities of 
Shropshire, vii., 211.] 

Bamborough castle, 29, 54 

Bankes of Gateshead, 158 

Bankhead, Cumberland, xi 

Banna, 40 

Bardsey, near Leeds, 120 

Barmoor wood, 211 ; common, 232 

Barnard chapel, 25 

Barnes of Haughton Field, 93 

Barton, Andrew, 198, 207 

Bates, a name, 156 

Battersby, 22 

Battle of Floddon, 197 

Batty of Newcastle, 101 

Baxter of Newcastle, 183 

Beckwith, Tho., 88 

Bee of Newcastle, 183 

Behill of Holy Island, 80 

Belford castle, spurs from, 164 

Bell families, 44, 98, 147, 158 ; Henry, 
elected a member, 257 

Bellerby chapel, 24 

Bellingham, 156, 175,261,262; church, 
151 ; family, 149 et seq. 

Beltingham, Roman altars from, 46, 117, 

Belver family, 131, 133 

Bene, William, 156 

Benwell, v., 47, 257 

Beowulf, poem of, 117 

Bertram of Bothal, 75 ; of Mitford, 75, 
79, 141 ; name of, 190; William, 188 

Berwick, 48, 237 



Betsy Caines, the, 126 

Beverley, population of, 63 

Bewcastle, cross at, vii. 

Bigot, Sir John, 214 

Billingham, 25, 27 

Bilsdale, 21 

Birde of Newcastle, 183 et seq. 

Blackett, Lady Julia, will of, 31 ; Sir 

Walter, v. 

Blacknall, Sir Wm., 225 
Blagdon, par. Stannington, 143 
Blake, Sir Francis, of Twysel castle, 


Blake Chesters, x. 
Blakeston, Sir Wm., 195 
Blyth, 47, 48 

Bold, J. T., xi. ; Sir Richard, 214 
Boldon Buke, 27 
Bolam, 96 

Bolton, 207 ; on the Alne, 119 
Bolvelaunio, 119 

Booth of Brancepeth, 99 ; Sir John, 214 
Borcovicus, v. ; ring found at, 168 
Border stories, 174 
Boroughbridge and Durham turnpike 

road, 240 
Boulby, 123 
Bowes of Streatlam, 79, 86, 96, 97, 225 ; 

of Gateshead, 158 ; Robinson Stoney, 


Boyde of Newcastle, 183 
Boyer, Mr., 266 
Bradbury chapel, 20 
Brafferton, Walter de, 28 
Brainshaugh, 129, 132, 145 
Brakenbury of Denton, 94, 95 
Brancepeth, 1 00 ; Scotshouse near, 20 
Brand, facsimile made by, 260 
Brandling of Gosforth, 70, 160, 175 
Brandsdale, 22 
Branx Brig, 229, 232, 233 
Branxton, 161, 208 et seq., 213, 233; 

battle of, 228 

Brereton, Sir William, 242 
Brescia, Roman inscription at, 1 79 
Breton of Essex, 141 
Bridekirk, font of, 65, 67 
Brieridge, Uctred de, 261, 262 
Brinkburn priory, 75 
Britulfinc, 27 
Brockett, W. H., xiii. 
Brompton nigh Allerton, 21 
Broughton, 22, 24 
Broxfield, 130, 142, 144 
Brumell, Mrs., xii. 
Bruntoft, Adam, 266 
Bruce, Dr., ii, iv, v, vii, 47 ; Hon. 

Robert, 31 
Brus fees, 81 

Buchan, David Earl of, 31 
Buck's views, 46 

Buhner of Wilton, 81, 202, 205, 206, 

214; Anchetel, 134 
Burdon of Burdon, 83 
Burel. Hugh, 134 
Burgo, Herbert de, 29 
Burton of Kelinghall, 92 ; John de, 155 
Busby of Sunderland, 100 
Butler of Beausey, 214 
Bywell, St. Peter's parish, 159, 160; 

churches of, and Saxon sculpture at, 

33 ; barony of, 74 


Caeme crag, v. 

Caervorran, 49 

Call, Richard, 44, 257 

Caithness, Earl of, 210 

Calverley of Calverley, 31 

Cambridgeshire, turnpikes in, 239 

Canterbury, liberty of the church of, 81 

Carey's ride, 242 

Carlbury, 95, 96 

Carlisle, Roman remains from, 42 ; Ru- 
nic inscription at, 46, 65 ; population 
of, 63 ; coach to, 252 

Carlton, 20, 23 

Carne, Sir Edw., xi. 

Carr of Newcastle, 183- 

Castle, warden of, 46 

Catcheside of Gateshead, 158 

Catterick, 122; Bridge turnpike road, 

Catton, 22 

Chaises, 253 

Chamber of Newcastle, 183 ; of Gates- 
head, 158 

Chandeler, Geoffrey de, 138 

Chantry lands, 20, 92 

Charlton, 153, 201, 262; Adam de, 153, 
261 ; Dr., v., xiii., 68, 157, 174, 261. 

Charron, Guischard de, 78 

Chaytor of Butterby, 92, 94, 195 

Cheese, 257 

Cherries, 257 

Chester Hill, 169 

Chester-le-Street, Roman remains from, 
259 ; church, 87 

Chesterholtne, 46 

Chevington, 132, 191 

Chillingham, 224 

Chillingham castle, inscriptions at, 1, 
42, 169, 277; visit to, 167 

Cbirdene, 156 

Cholmondeley, Sir Richard, 214 

Churn babbie, 182 

Cilurnum, v. 

Clapham, Sir Christopher, 214 

Clare, Thomas de, 77 

Claudius, coin of, 269, 273 

Claxton of Horden, 190; of Holam, 84 

Clayton, John, 176, 258 ; Snow, xii. 



Cleasby, schoolhouse at. 123 

Clervaux of Croft, 87, 88 

Cleveland Street in Bagby, 23 

Clifford the Shepherd Lord, 213 

Clothworkers' Company, chest of, 257 

Clutterbuck of Newcastle and Wark- 
worth, 49 

Coaches, 243 

Coalworkings, ancient, at Benwell, 47 

Coatham, Mundeville, 21 

Cochet, Abbe, 39 

Cocidius, 40, 41 

Coins found at Thorngrafton, 269 

Coldingham priory, discoveries at, vi., 

Coldstream, 234, bridge, 240 

Collanwood, Auger de, 155 

Collingwood of Lilburn tower, 162 ; of 
Cornhill, 231, 232, 256 

Collins of London, 25 

Collson of Gateshead, 158 

Colpitts, Mr., v. 

Colstan, Eoger, 149 

Commissioners of Woods and Forests, xi. 

Condercum, 47 

Constable of Flamburgh, 131, 133; Sir 
Marmaduke, 206, 214, 219, 225, 233, 
234 ; Michael, 89 

Consular and family coins, 276 

Conyers of Horden, 31 ; of Sockburn, 
214 ; Sir George, 195 ; Sir Tho., 225 ; 
Robert de, 83 

Corbridge, 107; church, 33, 34; bagpipes 
sculptured at, 45; Roman capital at, 45 
Cornesay, 103 

Cornforth of Quarrington, 101 
Cornhill, 164, 233 ; churchyard, 283 
Cornehyrde, John, 261, 262 
Cosin, Bp., letters of, 104 ; character of, 

277, 278 
Cotherston, 23 
Covenant of Scotland, 168 
Coventry of Newcastle, 113 
Cowton, chapels at, 24 
Cradock of Gainford, 104 
Craike, 123 
Craster, Thomas, xii. 
Crawcrook, 27 
Cropping, Robert de, 105 
Croll of Newcastle, 44 
Crookham, 235 ; standing stone at, 161, 


CundaU, 23 
Cupe, John, 156 
Curwen of Cumberland, 114 
Custom* of Newcastle, records of, 47 
Cuthbert of Newcastle, 183 
Cutheard, Bp., 27 


Dacians, JElian cohort of, 40 

Dacre, Lord, 205, 206, 214, 219, 222, 
226, 227, 234 ; Sir Christopher, 225 ; 
Sir George, 214 

Dalton of Auckland, 88, 89 [In 14 
Eliz. the six sisters mentioned in p. 89 
were returned as cousins and heirs of 
Robert Dalton, clerk, deceased, Mar- 
garet and Joan only being married.] 

Darlington, 25, 237, 244, 248 

Davison of Newcastle, 43, 49 

Dax, Roman works at, 256 

Deae Matres, 46 

Dees, R. R., v. 

De la Hay of Newcastle and Stainton, 

Delaval, Ralph, 70 

Denny of Sedbergh, 170 

Dent, 173 

Denton, near Darlington, manor and fa- 
mily of that name, 82, 94 et seq. 

Denton, West, John de, 150 

Dinsdale church, 20 

Doddington, 166, 211 

Dolphanby of Newcastle, 183 

Dolphin, 68 ; son of Uchtred, 83 

Domitian, coins of, 274 

Donkley, 156 

Douglas standard, 167 

Downes of Evenwood, 99 

Doyte of Gateshead, 158 

Drengage tenure, 27 

Driridge, 191, 193 

Duddo, 212 

Dunbar, 237 

Dunn, Rev. J. W., 38 

Durham, 83, 139, 205, 237, 244, 249, 
254 ; old drawings of, ix. ; castle, 29; 
monastery, cellarer's account of, vi. ; 
turnpikes in the county of, 240 ; fa- 
mily of that name in Newcastle, 183. 


Ealingham, 151, 156 
Ealfred, 27 
Earndale, 123 

Easington, 27 ; in Yorkshire, 136 
East Cowton, 22 
Easter customs, 256 
Eden and Castle Eden, 27 
Eden of Auckland, 89, 90 
Edie for Adam, 261 
Edinburgh, 237, 244 ; stage coach to, 

246 &c. 
Edmundbyers, pottery from, 259; church, 

34, 263 

Egglescliffe, 123 
Eggleston, 21 
Eland, Great, 76 
Eldon, 121 
Eldon, Lord, 42 
Elizabeth, Queen, ix. 



Ellison of Newcastle, 49 

Elsdon, 195 

Elstob, 121 

Elton, 121 

El wick, 121 

Ely, Bishop of, 214 

Eppleby chapel, 24 

Escolland, Geoffrey, 83 

Etal castle, 203, 204, 225 

Evans, J. D., vii , viii. 

Everingham, Sir John, 213 

Evesham, battle of, 140 

Evenwood chapel, 20 

Exilby, 24 

Eyre, Monsignor, vi., viii., 146 


Fairless, Mr., 45 

Farnacres, 85 

Featherstonehaugh, Rev. Walker, x., 35, 

259, 268 
Feliskirk, 22 
Felton, Anthony, 70 
Felton, 76, 145 
Fenwick, John, v., ix., x., xii., 49, 69, 

71, 175, 258, 271 ; John Clerevaulx, 

19; Sir John, 194, 195; Sir Eoger 

de, 225 ; William de, 155 
Ferewitheschales, 156 
Ferlington, Henry de, 1 35 
Ferry Hill, 20 

Ferry cliffe House, Merrington, 21 
Fiesole, Roman remains at, 179 
Fife of Newcastle, 44 
Fishbtirn, 21 ; chapel, 20 
Fitz-Geoffrey of Ravens worth, 136 
Fitz-William of Sprotborough, 77, 79, 


Fleetwood, Sir William, 158 
Fletham chapel, 24 
Floddon, visit to, 161 ; battle of, 197 ; 

standard of Keith at the battle, 167 ; 

Lamb's edition of the poem relating to 

the battle, 283, 286 
Florence, Roman antiquities at, 179 
Forcett, 24 
Ford, 163, 164 ; bridge, 213 ; castle, 

206, 207, 209 ; chantry of, 159, 160 
Forfeited lands in Yorkshire and Dur- 
ham, 20 

Forster of Newcastle, 183 
Forster, Sir John, 206 
Fortibus, Earl of Albemarle, 138 
Free-rent, meaning of, 108 
French coin, 181 

Friars Minor, letter of fraternity by, 146 
Frosterley, 20 ; chapel, 20 


Gainford barony, 74, 75, 79, 86, 88, 94 
Galba, coin of, 273 

Galmethorp, Robert de, 141 

Galtres forest, 237 

Garmundsway, 84, 117 

Gascoigne, Sir William, 195, junior, 225; 
of Leasingcroft, 214 

Gaterley races, 195 

Gateshead, 110 ; fell, 105 ; presentments, 

Gerrard, Lord, 43 

Gham in names of places, 150 

Gibson, Jasper, 259 

Gillman of Newcastle, 44 

Gilsland, 42; men of, 214 

Glanton of Newcastle, 183 

Gloucester Hill, Roman altar from, 168 

Godfrey of Newcastle, 26 

Gordon, Thomas, 31 

Gorst, Gilpin, v. 

Gorton Brook, figure found at, 259 

Gospatric fitz Orm or de Novo Castello, 
112, 114 

Go wen, Sir John, 214 

Graunge, Roger, 156 

Greatham manor, 75, 76, 77, 78 

Grendon of Durham, 254 

Grindleton, 121 

Grindon, 121 

Grey or Gray family, 166, 167; of 
Chillingham, 286 ; Lord, of Wark, 
278 ; Lady, 211 ; of Horton, 225 ; of 
Newcastle, 49 ; Sir Arthur, 71 ; Arch- 
bishop, 138, 139, 140; William, his 
Chorographia, 53 et seq., 259 

Grose, Captn., 282 

Guards of coaches, 251 

Guest, Edwin, xiii. 

Guyzance, church and manor of, 129 


Hadrian, coins of, 270, 272, 275 

Haggerston of Haggerston, 162 

Haigh, D. H., vii., 45, 117 

Hailstone, Edward, elected a member, 1 27 

Haldmarket of Newcastle, 183 

Hall of Newcastle, 183 

Halmot Courts, 104 

Haltwhistle, 149, 155 

Hambleton races, 195 

Hamon, Philip fitz, 28 

Hampton of Newcastle, 113 

Hansard family, 28, 138 

Harberhouse, 84 

Hardy of Newcastle, 43 

Hare of Cumberland, 9 7 

Hareshaw burn, 150; common, 175. 

Harper of Newcastle, 44 

Harrison of Newcastle, 44 ; General, 
49 ; of Stubhouse, 52 ; of Scarborough, 
104; of Gateshead, 158; William, 
his account of roads, 237, of inns, 241 

Hart, 120, 121, 122, 124 



Hartlepool, 25, 47, 48, 82, 85, 120, 139 
Hatfield, tenants of, 214 
Haughton near Humshaugh, 150 
Hawelton, John de, 154 
Hawkhill, urn found at, 36 
Haydene, John de, 155 
Haydon Bridge, diligence, 252 
Hayning of Newcastle, 183 
Haysand, 130 et seq. 
Headlam, 25 

Headlam of Newcastle, 183 ; of Stain- 
ton, 87 

Heaton ford, 231, 232, 233 
Hegge's legend of St. Cuthbert, viii. 
Helraington, 121 
Helperly, 237 
Hengest, date of, 117 
Henry VI., statue of, 128; VIII., 198 
Herington, Thomas de, 78 
Heron of Ford, 128 et seq., 203, 204, 

206; Bastard, 198, 214, 218 
Hertfordshire, turnpikes first in, 238 
Hesleden, 21 ; Munck, 21 
Hesleyside, 151, 261 ; Gerard of, 157 
Heton Mill, 212 
Heworth chapel, 21 
Heworth, Gilbert de, 28 
Hewson of Buckcroft, 97 
Hexham priory, 34, 45 ; last days of, 72 ; 
demesnes of, 159 ; Prior of, 151, 156 
Hexham, antiquities at, 45 ; coach to, 


Hill of Benwell, 44 
Hilton of Hilton, 56, 132 et *eq., 214; 

of Cleveland, 81 

Hilton castle and chapel, 134 et seq. 
Hinde, J. Hodgson, xii., 64, 114, 159, 


Hoare's Ancient Wiltshire, 48 
Hodgson of Auckland, 97 
Holam, 84, 85 

Holland, Dukes of Exeter, 50 
Holme in Spalding moor, 130, 131 
Holmes of Stubhouse, 52 
Holom, 27 

Homel family, 149, 157 
Homildon, 163, 166 
Horden, 27 
Horsley of Newcastle, 183 ; John the 

author, his family, vi. 
Horton castle, 174 
Hoton, 27, 84, 85 

Houghton-le- Spring, 20 ; in the Side, 21 
Howard, Tho. Duke of Norfolk, portrait 
of by More, 125 ; Earl of Surrey and 
Lord Admiral, 205 et seq. ; Sir Ed- 
mund, 214, 217, 219, 225, 234; Lord 
William, 69, 194 ; Lord, of Walden, 
194 ; arms and badge, 225 ; Joseph J., 
ix, 257 
Howe of Berwick, 285 

Hoyle, J. T., vii. 

Hudson of Gateshead, 158, 183 ; of 

Newcastle, 183 
Hudswell, 23 

Hull, men of, 214 ; population of, 63 
Humshaugh, 150 
Hunespak, 83 
Hunter, Joseph, 172 
Huntland, 261, 262 
Huntley, Earl of, 216 et seq. ; standard 

ascribed to, 222 
Hunwick, 124 
Hutton, Henry, 21 
Hutton of Hunwick, 89 ; rector of 

Gateshead, 158 


llderton of Newcastle, 101 
111 Rode, the, 202 
Independents, 266 
Ingham, Robert, xii. 
Ingleby of Ripley, 51 
Ingleton, 82, 85 et seq., 94 
Inns on the north road, 241 
Irwin, Alan de, 157 
Iselbeck, 23 
Iter de Wark, 147 


James IV., 197 et seq. 

Jarrow church, panel from, 45 

Jay, Edward, Prior of Hexham, 72 

Jedworth, Prior of, 151 

Jenkins, Henry, 206 

Jones, Rev. Rob., 161, 162, 231, 256 


Kain of Middleton, 103 

Keith, standard attributed to, 167, 221 

Kell, Wm., x., xii. 

Kellaw, manor and family of, 82 

Kelso, the king's grave at, 227, 228 

Kemble's Codex Diplomaticus, 49 

Kendal, bowmen of, 214 

Keswick men, 214 

Kettle camp, 166 

Kilburn, 23 

Kilham, Downham, Pass-on, and Press- 
on, 165 

Killinghall of Middleton, 87, 94 ; of 
Middlesex, 103 

Killinghow, Aselack of, 57 

King of Newcastle, 44 

Kippie Hill, 165 

Kirk Ella, 130 

Kirkby Moorside, 22 

Kirknewton, 166; church, x., 287 

Knaresdale, 154 

Lady Meadow, 25 




Laing's description of an altar piece, 44 

Lambard, William, 85 

Lambe, Robert, Vicar of Norham, 162, 
256, 283, 285 

Lambton of Biddick, ix. ; of Lambton 
and Stainton, 86 [See the Barnes 
Ecclea. Proceedings, Sur. Soc., pp. ii., 
iii., for the will of Percival Lambton, 
from -which it seems probable that two 
Marmadukes, uncle and nephew, were 
confused in constructing the pedigree 
of 1575.] 

Lamesley, 25 

Lancaster, Duchy of, 50 

Lanercost, Roman stones at, 39 

Langdale, Sir Marmaduke, 131 

Langstaffe of Newcastle, 43 

Langton, 23 

Lartington, 24 

Lascelles family, 136, 143 

Latimer, J., xi. 

Laton of Laton, 80 

Laws, Infidel Terms of the, 115 

Lawes of Newcastle, 183 

Lawrence of Dun, 214 

Lawrence, Robert, Prior of Beverley, 72 

Layton, "West, 24 

Leeds, 249 

Leeming, 24 

Leighton of Newcastle, 44 

Leuesham, Geoffrey de, 143 

Liddcll of Ravensworth, 42 

Linacres, Hugh de, 156 

Lindisfarne, leaden plate from, xi. 

Linton, 189 

Lisle of Chipchase, 154 

Litters, 244 

Liverton, 21 

Londesborough. Lord, xi. 

London, Runic inscription from, 65 

London, Walter de, 30 

Lonsdale of Quarrington, 101 ; William 
de, 139 

Lorbottle, 29 

Lumley of Lumley, 32, 48, 114, 214. 228 

Lumsden, Edward, 287 

Lund, 130 

Lyon, Mr., T. 


Maddison of Newcastle, 43, 44 

Magna, 49 

Majoribanko, Sir John, 164 

Mandeville, Sir John, 214 

Marley of Barham and Eppleby, 51 ; of 

Ingleton, 86, 90, 91, 92, 93 
Marshall of Reavely, 31, 32 
Martigny, amphitheatre at, 127 
Marton, 22 
Marwood forest, 74 
Matfen, 29, 132 

Maughan, John de, 149 ; Rev. John, v., 


Mauley, Peter de, 138 
Maunby, 23 
Mayland of London, 25 
Meggee of Newcastle, 26 
Melkridge, 155 
Melrose, celts found near, 256 
Members elected, iv. 
Menel of Hilton, Ingleton, &c., 80 ; 

Thomas, 97 

Merchants of Newcastle, 183 
Mere, 29, 30 
Merryshields, 159, 160 
Mickleby, 22 

Middleton St. George, 20, 103 ; in York- 
shire, 22 

Middleton of Middleton St. George, 103 
Milan, Roman remains at, 179 
Milbourn of Newcastle-on-Tyne and 

Armathwayte castle, 102 
Milburn, Edw., xiii. ; Jock, 175 
Mile, 207 

Millfield, 165, 211, 212 
Millenarians, 266 
Mills of Newcastle, 43 
Milne of Newcastle, 1 83 
Minsteracres, leaden weight from, 126 
Mitford Barony, 75, 76 ; castle, 29 
Mitford of Morpeth, 103 
Molyneux, Sir Win., 215, 222 
Monckchester, 53 
Montford, Peter de, 76, 77; Sir Simon, 


Moorsom in Cleveland, 81 
Morison, Fynes, his description of roads, 

238, 241, 242, 243 
Morley of Normanby, 87 
Morpeth, 237, 247, 253; coach, 252; 

markets, fairs, and mills, 69 ; school, 


Morton, Dr., Vicar of Newcastle, 194 
Morwick, 132 
Mounte Lonning chapel, 21 
Mowbray family, 54, 83, 131, 150 
Mowlton chapel, 23 
Muggleswick, 267 
Mulner, Clays, 187 
Mundeville, Thomas de, 95 
Murray family, 103 
Musgrave, Giles, 212 
Music, ancient, iii., xii., 9 
Musters family, 28, 83 


Nabie, 24 
Nafferton, 29, 132 
Nelson of Durham, 285 
Nero, coin of, 273 

Nerva, coins of, vi, 275 ; inscription to, 



Nevil of Raby, 28, 50, 78, 86, 87, 88, 
94; Lord Latimer, 213, 225; Earl of 
Warwick, seal of, ix. 

Nevil' s Cross, cannon ball found near, 44 

Nevil' s Inn, Newcastle, ix. 

Newark Inns, 242 

Newbrough, 149, 155, 156 

Newburne, 102, 108 

Newby Wiske, 23 

Newcastle, 205, 206, 224, 237, 244 ; 
Black Gate, iii. ; Castle, 29, 42, 54, et 
aeq. ; site, extension and population, 
53 ; Roman remains, 46, 59 ; Nevil' s 
Inn, ix. ; merchants' marks, x. ; Sand- 
hill, xii. ; chafing dish, xii. ; Com- 
pany of Masons and power of the 
Mayor and Alderman over it, 26 ; 
cannon ball in town wall, 44; Cus- 
toms' books, 47 ; family of de la Hay, 
71 ; early municipal history, 105 ; 
ordination at St. Nicholas', iv. ; par- 
liamentary representation, v., 259 ; 
accommodation for strangers, 127 ; 
Earl of Hertford, 161 ; petition of 
merchants and names of ships, 183 ; 
Dr. Morton, vicar, 193 ; Taylor the 
Water Poet, 194 ; stage coach, 244, 
246, &c. ; turnpike roads, 240 ; Free 
Grammar School, 287 ; proposed His- 
tory, 260 

Newminster Abbey, 137, 141, 169 ; 
cartulary, 132 

Newton, 130 et seq. 

Nicholson of Gateshead, 158 

Nismes, Roman antiquities at, 178 

Nithesdale, John, 157 

Norham, 283, 285, 286; antiquities, 256; 
castle, 29, 202, 205 

Normanville, Thomas de, 148 

Norse Runes, 65 

Northallerton, 206, 237, 244, 248 ; St. 
James's Hospital, 20 ; Inges, 21 ; 
chantry lands, 23 

North Road, Old, 237 ; New, 239 

Northumberland, Hinde's General His- 
tory of, ii. ; Duke of, ii , 271, 272; 
Duchess of, xii. 

Nose, William with the, 156 

Nunthorpe, 87, 88 

Nunwick, 150 


Officers for 1858, xvi. 
Ogle, Lord, 214, 225 ; of Cawsey Park, 


Old North Road, 237 
Oliver, Mr., of Langraw, xii ; Oswald, 


Orange, Roman antiquities at, 177 
Ordination at Newcastle, iv. 
Ormesby, 22 

Otho, coins of, 273, 274 
Otterbilrne battle, xi., 168 
Ottringham, William de, 136 
Ovingham church, 33, 34 
Ovington, 24 
Oxley, Amor, and his family, 286 


Pallinsburn, 161, 217, 228, 229, 232, 

Pandon, 58 

Parca, Richard de, 28 

Parkin of Gateshead, 158 

Pattison family, owners of the Thorn- 
grafton Find, 270, 271, 272 

Peacock, Mr., xii. 

Peacock and Wright's collection of tunes, 

Peat, Lady, 258 

Peel, Mr., x. 

Penreth of Newcastle, 183 

Percy family, 131, 144 ; Earl of North- 
umberland, 50 ; pennon ascribed to, 
168; Sir Lionel, 214; Sir William, 
214, 225 ; arms from Topcliffe, 181, 
257, in an Elizabethan MS. 182; 
Earl of Egremont, ix. 

Percy -land near Shilbotle, 141 

Peresby, Hugh, 149 

Perrot of Newcastle, 44 

Perthes, M. Bourcher de, 39 

Philipp of Ingleton, 86 

Pickering, Christopher, 214 

Pickhill cum Roxby, 22 

Piersebridge, 20 

Pikeden of Newcastle, 183 

Pipard Hill, 229 

Pipe music, 45 

Pitcairn of Pitcairn, 226 

Plawsworth, 83 

Plessis fee, 143 

Pocklington, Henry de, 136 

Polkerthorp, 130 

Pontefract castle, 205 

Post-chaises, 253 

Post-horses, 242 

Pothow, in Cleveland, 81 

Potts of Gateshead, 158 

Prat, Bartholomew, 154 

Presbyterians, 266 

Priscus, Cassius, 42 

Proceedings of the Society, 39, 117, 161, 

Prudhoe castle, 29 

Pudsay family, 25, 5], 86; Bishop, 27 

Pulayn, William de, 155 

Puntchardon family, 28 

Purdy of Twyzell, 283 

Quakers, 266. 





Raby Garth, 25 

Raceby, 84 

Radclyffe family relics, x. ; Francis, 195 ; 

of Lancashire, 214 (See Ratcliffe.) 
Raine, Dr., iv., vi., 1, 42, 277, 286 
Rainton, 20 ; races, 195 
Randolph, Thomas, 149 
Ratcliffe, John, 20, 24, 93 
Ravensworth, Lord, 8, 39, 42, 46, 277 
Readshaw of Gateshead, 158 
Rebellion of 1745, 162 
Recusant, discontinuance of action 

against, 72 

Ree of Gateshead, 158 
Reed the Piper, 45 
Reedswire, cail pot from, 48 
Rennington, 130 et seq. 
Renneck of Gateshead, 158 
Report for 1857, i. 
Ribaud, Hugh, 142 
Richardson of Durham, 20, 93, 254 ; of 

Newcastle, 183 

Richmond, chantry lands, 23, 24, 
Rickaby of Stainton, 92, 98 
Riddel of Gateshead, 158 
Ridley, 132 
Ridley, Odoard de, 149 
Rifle with wheel lock, 182 
Ring, betrothal, x. ; iron, of Roman date 

found at Borcovicus, 168 
Rippon, George, x. 
Road, the Old North, 237 
Roadley, v. 

Robertson of Newcastle, 43 
Robinson of Bishopton, 100 ; Francis 

Kildale, 169, 257 
Robson, Robert, vi., xi. 
Rochester, Hugh, xiii. 
Rocheford, Ebeline de, 138 
Rodham of Newcastle, 183 
Rokeby family, 158, 159 
Romanby chapel, 21 
Romilli family, 131 
Rose of Newcastle, 183 
Rosehill, xii. 

Rossels of Hilton in Cleveland, 81 
Rothbury, 107, 127 
Routledge, Mr., 46 , of Raby, 97 
Rowntree of Ingleton, 86 
Rudge Cup, 42 
Runs wick, 123 
Russell of Newcastle, 43 ; of Pleynmel- 

lor, 155 

Russian tablet, 225 
Rysopp, 22 


Sadberge, Wapentake, 73 et seq. ; chan- 
try and forfeited lands at, 21, 25 
Sadberg, near "Wark, 1 56 

Saint Chamas, Roman bridge at, 179 

Saint Cuthbert's banner, 206, 214 

Sainthill's Numismatic Crumbs, 44 

Salisbury, Osmund Bishop of, 55 

Salvin, Anthony, x. 

Sandyford, 233, 234, 235 

Saturninus, Julius, 40 

Scarborough, 48 

Scop's Tale, 123 

Scotland. Roman monuments in, 45 ; 
inns in, 241 

Scotland of Newcastle, 44 

Scots House, 20 

Scrope of Bolton, 195, 214, 225 ; of Up- 
sal, 213, 225 

Scruton, 24 

Scula, 27 

Seaham, 29 

Seaton Carew, 20, 85, 88 

Seaton of Kellow, 82, 85 

Second legion, 41 

Sedbergh school, 172 

Sedgefield, 121 

Seeedunum, 119 

Selby monastery, 130, 131, 133 

Seton, A. B., vii. 

Sewingsfields, 154 

Shafto of Benwell, 47 

Shakspere's tomb, ix. 

Sheraton, 21, 27 

Shields coach, 252 

Shilbottle, 119, 130 et seq. 

Shipley family, 149, 162 

Shittlington, 153 ; family of, 149, 

Shotton, 27 

Shuckburgh, Fanny, 32 

Sileton, 27 

Silvanus, 40 

Silvertop, written Slipertope, 156 

Simondburn, 150 

Simpson of Gateshead, 158 ; of Newcas- 
tle, 26, 44 

Skelton, 22 

Slingsby of Scriven, 90, 91, 92 

Smart, Peter, 104 

Smaithwaite, Mr., of Elsdon, 195 

Smelt of Ingleton, 93 

Smith, C. Roach, 256 

Smith of Newcastle, 183 ; of Gateshead, 

Sneton, 22 

Snotterton, 82 

Snowdon family, 98 

South Shields, xi. 

Spence of Gateshead, 158 

Stage coaches, 244 

Staindrop, 86 ; guildhouse, 25 

Stainmoor men, 214 

Stainton in the Street, 73 ; chantry land, 



Stainton, near Streatlam, 79 

Stamfordham church, 34 

Stanley family, 214, 215, 220, 221, 225, 

Stauton, 78 

Stapleton family, 104, 214, 225 

Stcphenson of Newcastle, 183; Alexan- 
der, 43 

Stirkscleugh, 153 

Stockdale, Percival, 162 

Stockton, 21, 47, 48, 111 

Stokesley church, 74 

Stretton Grange, 137, 141 

Studfield, 78 

Sumerton, 139 

Sunderland, 47, 48 ; coach, 252 

Surrey, Earl of, 204 et seq. 

Surtees of Dinsdale. 94 

Swethope, "William de, 150 

Swinburne family, 149 et seq. ; of Gates- 
head, 158 ; Edward, 164 

Swine, 1 36 et seq. 

Swinhoe of Newcastle, 43 

Sydney of Penshurst, 214 

Sykes's tracts, 49 

Symondburn, 155 


Tailbois of Denton, 96 

Tankerville, Lord, 284 

Tate, Dr. James, 283 

Taylor the Water Poet, 194 ; J. Brough, 


Teasdale, Rob., 49 
Teesdale forest, 74 
Telfer, James, xii. 
Tempest, Henry, 195; Nicholas, 194; 

Sir Nicholas, 214 ; Rowland, 187 
Tenth cohort, 42 
Terthoralde, David de, 149 
Teviotdale thieves, 224 
Thirkeld of Denton, 82, 90, 96 
Thirkleby, 23 

Thirlwall, Tho. de, 149, 154 
Thirsk, 237 ; chantry lands at, 22, 23 ; 

turnpike road by, 240 
Thomlinson, Dr. 49 
Thomson, Sir William, 31, 32 
Thorneyburn, 156 
Thorngrafton find, 258, 269 
Thornley near Kelloe, 84 ; forfeited land 

at, 25 

Thornton, William, 71 
Thornton bridge, 237 
Thorp, near Horden, 27 
Thorp Bulmer, 120 
Thorp chapel in Yorkshire, 24 
Thorp, Geoffrey de, 28 ; Archdeacon 

Robert, 282 

Thrintoft, 24 ; chapel, 21 
Thrum's Law, 122 

Till, bridge over, 210, 229 

Tillmouth, 164 

Tillum, Thomas, 266 

Tison families, 130, 136 

Toad said to have been found at Chil- 

lingham, 1, 42, 164, 169, 277 
Tobacco pipes, vii. 
Tolfihn, Runic inscription of, 67 
Tollerton, 237 
Tollesbie, 22 
Tonge of Thickley, 98 
Topcliffe, 182, 237, 257 
Towns of Newcastle, 44 
Trajan, column of, 273 
Trayne of Streatlam, 78, 79 
Treherne, Rev. J. M., xi. 
Trenchard of Abbot's Leigh, 31, 32 
Trevelyan, Sir John, v. ; Sir W. C., x., 

xi., 31, 49 
Tritiington, 101 
Troll of Newcastle, 43 
Trollop, John, 187 
Trueman, Mr., 26 
Tucker, Lt. Col., x. 
Tumlington, 27 

Tunstall, Sir Bryan, 214, 217, 218 
Turner, John Chrichloe, 43 
Turnpike roads, introduction of, 238 
Twisel in Tynedale, 262 
Twentieth legion, 40 
Twysel, 164; haugh, 203; bridge, 212, 

231, 232, 234, 235, 283 
Tylney, Sir Philip, 214, 225 
Tyne, noble, found in, 260 
Tynemouth castle, 54 ; monastery, 


Tynedale, north, 147, 175, 261 
Tynedale thieves, 224 
Tyrconnel, Countess of, ix. 
Tyrian purple, 257 
Tyson family, 130, 136 


Ulecote, Ph'lip de, 29, 75, 113 
Ulston chapel, 25 
Unkutheman, 156 
Unspac, 83 
Unthank, Robert, 155 
Usworth, Little, 25 


Valence, William de, 75 

Vavasour family, 97, 98 

Veel, Simon, 83 

Ventress, John, x., 59, 114 

Verly of Swine, 136, 137 

Verona, Roman remains at, 180 

Vescy family, 131, 132, 133, 139, 140 

Vespasian, coins of, 42, 273, 274 

Vicars of Brancepeth, 99 

Vindolana, 180 




"Wade, General, 125 

Walker, object of brass from, 125 

Walkingham, Alan de, 78 

Wall, the Roman, survey of, ii ; Dr. 
Bruce on, iv., v. ; coins found near, 
270 ; persons named after, 149 

Wallace, Mr., xii. 

Walltown, 149 

Walworth of Middleton, 103 

Wanstead House, 1 

Warburton, John, 281, 284 

Warcop, Sir Robert, 214 

Warde, of Newcastle, Ifc3 ; Sir Chris- 
topher, 213 

Wark, 224; castle, 203; barony, 175, 
271; iterde, 126, 147, 261 

Warkworth, 139, 145 ; lords of, 169, 

Warwick, John de, 149, 151 

Washington, Walter, 95; William de, 

Watch Law, 235 

Waters of Newcastle, xii. 

Watling Street, 49 

Watson of Gilsland, 98 ; of Gateshead, 

Wearmouth, Monk, 134, 135 

Webbe, Sir Wm., 195 

Webster, Augustine, Prior of Hexham, 

Weltden, Simon, 187 

Wenhope, near Kielder, 156 

Wentworth, Henry, ix. 

Werk of Newcastk-, 183 

Wesley, John, xii. 

Westoe, Lady's lands at, 20 

Whalton, barony, 189 

Whitby, 47, 48 ; chantry lands, 22 ; 
abbot of, 214 

Whitchester, Emm* de, 156 

White of Newcastle, 44 ; Robert, ix., 

xi., 49, 161, 168, 230 
Whitehead of Newcastle, 185 
Whitfield, Matthew, 149 ; Beatrice, 155 
Widdrington, 189 
Widdrington of Widdiingtou, 51, 189 ; 

Roger, 70 

Widindon, Sir William de, 138 
Wilfrid, St., 33 
Willoughby, John, 214 
Wilson of Newcastle, 43, 44 
Windleston, 21, 121 
Winestead, 136 tt seq. 
Wiseman written for Sillyman, 165 
Witton, Abbot, closes at, 21 
Wodehalle, Hugh of, 155 
Wodehouse, Edward, ix. 
Wolmelton, 24 
Wolviston, 25 
Wood engraving, early, 259 
Woodhorn, 191 
Woodruffe of Woolley, 51 
Woodman, William, 132 
Wooler, 166; haugh, 211 
Wormley of Hatfield, 146 
Worsall, 22 

Wren of Binchester, 99 
Wycliffe of Wycliffe, 96 
Wyon's medals, 126 


Yarm friary, burials at, 81 

Yeavering Bell, 163, 165 

Yolton, Thomas de, 134 

York, 205, 237, 244, 246 ; St. Mary's 

abbey at, 74 ; population of, 63 ; 

turnpike roads to, 239 
Young of Aymesbank, 97 

Zone, bridal, 257 




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